Abstract
The work concentrates on the implications of the idealistic and the political realism senses of protecting classical liberalism for entangled political economy through the economics framework of duality. While familiar political economy predicts the duality or equivalence of maximizing liberty and of minimizing coercion, we find that this is not the case for entangled political economy. This finding suggests that minimization of coercion is what can (and must) be genuinely solved to protect classical liberalism. This solution hinges on institutional design as opposed to allocative choice. And this solution implies that the relationship between liberty and coercion is itself entangled. Thus the failure of duality is another indication of how entangled political economy differs from more familiar political economy.
Rationalists, wearing square hats,
Thinking, in square rooms,
Looking at the floor,
Looking at the ceiling.
They confine themselves.
To right-angled triangles,
If they tried rhomboids,
Cones, waving lines, ellipses –
As, for example, the ellipses of the half-moon –
Rationalists would wear sombreros.
– Stevens (1923, webbed version)
… all models are wrong, but some are useful.
– Box and Draper (1987: 424)
The authors would like to thank Rosolino Candela, Lorenzo Infantino, Marianne Johnson, Marta Podemska-Mikluch, Richard E. Wagner, participants at the SEF economics seminar series at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, and two anonymous referees.
In 2000 or 2001, while a graduate student at the University of Connecticut, Storrs, I (Giampaolo Garzarelli) had a conversation with a young public finance professor about Public Choice and public finance. To my surprise the young professor insisted that Public Choice had been accepted by neoclassical economics, implying with this that Public Choice was good economics being now a subset of neoclassical theory. I suggested that Public Choice could never fully be a subset of neoclassical theory, notwithstanding the fact that Public Choice also employed mathematical and statistical methods, because of the different philosophical starting points of the two research programs (teleological and a-institutional the neoclassical, processual and institutional the Public Choice). He looked at me as if I should not pose myself such ‘nonrigorous’ problems at all. Back then I did not know what I know now, which makes me realize, among other things, that my emphasis should have been more on Constitutional Political Economy than on Public Choice. We also did not have, to the best of my knowledge, entangled political economy – at least as clearly defined as now. Recently, I have come to realize that writing this chapter with Lyndal Keeton and Aldo A. Sitoe represents a subconscious attempt to differently articulate some parts of my original argument that was born from youthful exuberance.
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Notes
- 1.
In economics, the idea of duality started with Antonelli’s introduction of the indirect utility function in 1886, although the equality between the indirect utility function and the direct utility function was established only four decades later, in 1926, by Konyus and Byushgens. The duality between the indirect utility function and the direct utility function was based on Minkowski’s 1911 theorem in mathematics. Minkowski’s theorem established the duality between a closed convex set and its supporting halfspaces (Diewert 1987). This idea that there is more than one way to describe a convex set – i.e., Minkowski’s theorem – has been applied to various other dual relationships in economics. To take some well-known examples, especially in microeconomic analysis, the profit function and the cost function (Rosas and Lence 2019), the input distance function and the cost function, and the output distance function and the revenue function (Fare and Primont 2006; Pastor and Aparicio 2010) are all dual halfspace descriptions of a firm’s technology choice set.
- 2.
- 3.
In the state of nature with the presence of private coercion, people can be divided into two groups: the coercers and the coerced. In moving towards civil society with some measure of public coercion, it is more obvious that the coerced would be in favor of public coercion as it offers protection from the coercers. The willingness of the coercers to accept public coercion is less obvious. Pantaleoni (1898) suggests that coercers recognize that their position is fickle, e.g., a coercer who displays physical strength will lose that advantage as he ages. With this recognition, coercers, like the coerced, are willing to accept public coercion as a type of insurance against the loss of their ability to coerce.
- 4.
Here we concentrate on the second half of the Laffer curve where an increase in the tax price (rate) decreases total taxes. This is where the coercion constraint becomes meaningful. The individual pays more in taxes than she expects to get in terms of publicly provided goods.
- 5.
This does not mean that they are inefficient. As long as we do not learn about feasible alternatives that are less imperfect and that can replace the institutions that we live under at a net benefit, the institutions that we observe can be considered efficient – of course, this is in relative, not absolute terms. Leeson (2020) makes essentially the same claim starting from a different, but still related, institutional perspective.
- 6.
Lockdowns and similar ephemeral suspensions of democracy (e.g., curfews) through more direct coercive policies because of an emergency are something that Hayek (2013a [1973]: 458–459) and Rawls (1999: 55) can, mutatis mutandis, be found to agree on. The point is also found in one of the classic inspirations for both, namely Locke (1999 [1690]: 375). See also Cowen (2021) and Garzarelli et al. (2022).
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Appendix
Appendix
Consider a society of N individuals indexed by i = {1, …, N}. There is a bundle of publicly provided goods \( {G}^i=\left\{{g}_1^i,\cdots, {g}_N^i\right\}\in {R}_{+}^N \) providing some standard of living \( {U}^i\left({G}^i\right)\in {R}_{+}^N \). Let Ui(Gi) measure the level of liberty. Each individual i has an income \( {Y}^i\in {R}_{+}^N \) and faces a vector of tax prices \( {T}^i=\left\{{t}_1^i,\cdots, {t}_N^i\right\}\in {R}_{+}^N \) for Gi. Each individual i aims to
where τi is the transpose of Ti, τiGi = Yi is the coercion constraint, and \( {g}_j^i=\frac{Y^i}{t_j^i}-\sum \frac{t_{k\ne j}^i}{t_j^i} \) is the coercion line. The tax \( {t}_j^i \) is a measure of coercion: an increase in \( {t}_j^i \) increases coercion. An increase in \( {t}_j^i \) decreases \( {g}_j^i \), Gi, and Ui(Gi). That is to say that an increase in coercion decreases liberty.
The solution to (1) is:
In (2) we have that, for individual i, the optimal quantity of a bundle of publicly provided goods Gi depends on a vector of tax prices τi and income Yi.
Using (1) and (2), we get i’s maximum obtainable liberty, Ui∗, as follows:
Dual to (1) is the following minimization problem:
The solution to (4) is:
In (5) we have individual i’s optimal quantity of publicly provided goods Gi# stated in terms of the vector of tax prices τi and the maximum attainable liberty Ui∗.
Using (4) and (5) we get the minimum coercion constraint that i needs to obtain Ui∗:
Using (3) and (5), we have duality as follows:
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Garzarelli, G., Keeton, L., Sitoe, A.A. (2023). Duality, Liberty, and Realism in Entangled Political Economy. In: Novak, M., Podemska-Mikluch, M., Wagner, R.E. (eds) Realism, Ideology, and the Convulsions of Democracy. Studies in Public Choice, vol 44. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39458-4_2
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