Women’s empowerment in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger is a widely discussed topic at multiple levels from international organisations to the grassroots community level. However, understandings of the very term, let alone the implementation of approaches to promote it, are far from universal. By providing awareness raising information on this topic, radio can trigger essential changes in critical consciousness among men and women alike, but only if the information reflects women in their own relational networks and in a manner that gives a voice to those at the heart of empowerment projects. This book has endeavoured to understand ‘empowerment’ in the context of these three countries and the way it is discussed, represented, and perceived. In doing so, it has emphasised the need to contextualise understandings rather than imposing Western perspectives, however well intentioned, and falling into the trap of ticking generic boxes laid down by donors or other organisations without adapting processes accordingly. Participatory or collaborative methods promote inclusivity and ensure that beneficiaries and affected communities can be in a position to influence the programmes targeted at them. Audiences can then make informed decisions or at least understand decisions that are being made on their behalf.

The various chapters have argued that radio, as the main source of information in the three countries, can play a significant role in promoting empowerment. To do this, not only must a clear understanding of the many perceptions of this concept be in place but the different levels of empowerment and their perceptions must also be taken into account at the design stage. Discussing research conducted over a five-year period from 2018, the chapters examined a range of topics, including women’s political engagement, women and finances, women and life within marriage, inheritance, women’s involvement in radio structures, and, finally, a contemporary investigation of radio, women IDPs, and trauma in Burkina Faso. They compared the perspectives of focus group participants, journalists, and experts in the countries with detailed content analyses of broadcasts produced by Studio Tamani in Mali, Studio Kalangou in Niger, and Studio Yafa in Burkina Faso.

Perceptions of Female Dis/Empowerment by Listeners, Radio, International Development Organisations, and Local Associations and Alignment of Radio’s Empowerment Discourse with Those of Audiences, Organisations, Feminist Theories

From the focus group participants and the guests on the various programmes, it became apparent that, as expected, there was no single understanding of empowerment and that differences in opinions were gendered but also depended on age, education, and location. Women’s perceptions differed based on what they felt was attainable, reflecting Kabeer’s (1999) multi-layered decision-making approach and her consideration of first- and second-order strategic choices. Chapter 2 discussed the first or macro level of choice focusing on women’s engagement in politics, but as women listeners found it difficult to identify with the concept of greater political participation although theoretically possible, there was a resultant lack of interest in this level of empowerment. Second- or micro-level decision-making was discussed in subsequent chapters and was understood as choices that do not affect the overall outcome of a woman’s life (Kabeer, 1999). Respondents and radio guests readily identified with this level of empowerment, providing multiple examples of women involved in income-generating activities, for example. Women’s empowerment was strongly associated with improvements in financial situations and thus with women achieving some independence from men but never from their children. The women did not perceive themselves to be individuals but rather an indivisible part of larger family networks. Individual empowerment was, therefore, not considered.

Among men, while the actual concept of women’s political empowerment, for example, was evident, its realisation encountered resistance, in reality and on radio, as the risk of male disempowerment in this male-dominated domain was felt strongly, triggering patriarchal anxieties. However, when discussed in relation to finances, for example, in Chaps. 3 and 6, this received the support of male respondents, as women’s financial empowerment might result in lessening their own burden of providing for the family. There was no suggestion that men would help with domestic chores to support women’s financial activities despite the general benefit the latter would bring. Such activities are not fully empowering, as they only serve to increase a woman’s burden. This leads to passive empowerment. Although women may have the ability to (a) make these choices and (b) carry them out, they are, in fact, facing perceived best options rather than actual choices. Being able to make any choices in these contexts should empower women rather than disempower them. However, positive choices must be offered rather than last resort choices such as sex for food or other traumatic choices discussed in Chap. 7. As Khader (2018: 16) states, ‘the reality is that being pushed to choose (among unacceptable alternatives), being expected to do (too much), and being expected to do more (than men) are modes of women’s disempowerment’. Men’s understandings of the term ‘empowerment’, therefore, often appeared convenient, as they drew on religious misinterpretations or rewordings of the concept of ‘obedience’ converting it to ‘mutual respect’ (Chap. 4), thus denying or impeding women’s empowerment.

Perceptions of women’s empowerment among those in urban and rural areas and perceptions on radio broadcasts of women’s empowerment in rural or urban areas differed, with it being considered that urban women have greater options and that female subjugation was stronger in rural areas. Older respondents, aligning with radio guests, were adamant that empowerment was only achievable at the initiative of women themselves, as society will not adapt to them. According to them, working collectively and demonstrating power with (Rowlands, 1997) is the solution [l’Union est force]. We saw this repeatedly through the book in discussions on political engagement, finances, listening associations, and so on.

The Radio Studios’ Support and Promotion of Women’s Empowerment in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso

The three radio studios, Studio Tamani in Mali, Studio Kalangou in Niger, and Studio Yafa in Burkina Faso, being part of a Western media development organisation, are gender-aware, to some extent, and, therefore, not necessarily representative of all the respective media environments. Nonetheless, working with partner radios throughout the countries in which men dominate increases their challenges when implementing awareness raising programmes on women’s empowerment. Whilst many of the topics covered in this book are also discussed by other commercial, community and state radio stations, some are prioritised by development radio, such as humanitarian broadcasts discussed in Chap. 7, making this choice of radio studio pertinent for analysis.

All three studios broadcast programmes with a specific emphasis on topics stereotypically considered to be associated with women, raising the visibility of women’s empowerment simply by discussing the corresponding themes. However, this also risked ‘silo-ing’ these broadcasts with men, society’s decision makers, dismissing them as being just for women and not of concern to them. Broadcasts differed between the studios, ranging in content (historical or contemporary information), format, and the number and type of guests. Women’s voices were on radio (as presenters, guests, or interviewees); however, men gained more airtime, which meant that women, if they are not talking, are effectively silenced because of the lack of their visual presence, despite being physically present in the studio. The number of women in women-related programmes could also imply that the issues under discussion only concern women, suggesting that a greater male presence in such programmes would reinforce their essential role in empowering women and triggering social change. However, a male presence on radio could lead to even more male talk, reinforcing acceptance of the prevailing self-perpetuating male dominance (see Spender, 1985). Both Studio Kalangou and Studio Yafa also created spaces with women journalists. In the case of Studio Kalangou, this led to the production of weekly women’s programmes called Espace Femmes made by women for women. Similarly, Studio Yafa has a positive discrimination employment policy, as seen in their humanitarian team of journalists. However, these women are involved in sensitive topics covering extreme suffering among IDPs because they are considered ‘best suited’ to having the required emotion and empathy, revealing the organisation’s unconscious gender bias.

Radio’s Approach to Specific Issues Relating to Women’s Empowerment and Audience Responses

One question threading through the chapters concerns the contextualisation of topics by the radio studios and whether a developmental or a cultural definition is adopted. Many topics were discussed because they responded to requirements in various SDGs; thus, there were broadcasts on finance, politics, inheritance, property, and violence, among others. However, to be empowering, listeners must be able to identify with the information and consider how to apply it in their own environment. The studios followed their mission statements by producing broadcasts within the country, for the country, and by those in the country. Whilst maintaining their own values, they endeavour to avoid a top-down approach, a criticism widely levelled at NGOs and development organisations and echoed by Manyozo (referred to in Obregón & Tufte, 2017: 643), who asserted that such an approach or strategy of ‘development remains embedded in the Western neoliberal development paradigm, which has been criticized for its ethnocentric approach and negative social consequences’.

The topics discussed individually in the chapters exerted an influence on representations of both women and their empowerment, the approaches used, and provided opportunities for a range of discussions. For example, when discussing inheritance, there was a tendency to homogenise women, which contradicts the individualisation seen in development programmes but also meant that groups such as widows or orphans were side-lined. Similarly, when discussing marriage, hegemonic masculinities (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005) became an important part of the debate, thus positioning men within the discussion rather than excluding them. Topics such as domestic violence and FGM also triggered conscientization (Freire, 1998) or the process of developing a critical awareness of one’s social reality through reflection and action, as they foregrounded women’s role in this harmful and dangerous practice. Chapter 7 saw a humanitarian approach being taken when covering issues relating to the suffering and experiences of IDPs in Burkina Faso.

The themes also determined which voices were included in a broadcast and, in this regard, the radio programmes aligned with respondents’ wishes. The latter held clear opinions on women’s voice on radio. Men agreed that women were, and also should be, the principal voices in discussions on taboo subjects related to sex and sexual health and on women-related themes generally. As a result, women gained a voice via radio to act as leaders in public debate in ways that are respected by both women and men. Both unmarried and married women respondents confirmed that women trust broadcasts using women’s voices, as women are the best advocates for other women in regard to their victimisation and subjugation. The studios, therefore, face an enormous challenge in balancing taboo topics in their radio programmes, the voices that are spoken and heard, the styles used, and the very diverse audience to whom they broadcast and the range of cultures, religions, and political positions they represent.

Could Radio Do More to Promote Women’s Empowerment or, Rather, Not Promote Social Norms That Disempower Women?

Whilst the studios contextualise their radio programmes, they are still broadcasters that target a general audience nationally, making it challenging to make radio attractive to all. Youth, among the respondents in Niger and Mali, were dismissive of radio, describing it as being for their parents and grandparents. Already not necessarily interested in the topic under discussion, youth will be less encouraged to learn more about that topic if the information is being aired via a medium they do not use. Radio must, therefore, work hard, through a variety of formats and content, to attract and maintain listeners’ attention. Their broadcasts must be designed to be ‘listenable’ for their intended audience, and the format and content must, therefore, ensure that both the message giver (the radio studio) and the message receiver (the listener) have their information needs met. To facilitate this, audience feedback must be integrated into the design of broadcasts through the creation of a two-way flow of communication between listeners and the studio ensuring that relevant topics and associated advice or information are broadcast. This is already part of the structure for Studio Yafa’s Faso Yafa, but not so much with Studio Kalangou or Studio Tamani (at the time of the research), although regular focus groups are organised with listeners, and feedback is gathered through social media platforms.

The book is limited in scope and length but should open out to many other fields of associated research. Whilst Fondation Hirondelle (2019) claims to provide ‘independent, professional, relevant and accessible radio news, information and dialogue programs’, the complex relationship between journalism and the role of foreign development assistance in shaping African media systems must not be ignored (Paterson et al., 2018). The role of the radio studios is no different here as they too exert an influence on the media in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, be it through the provision of equipment, buying airtime on which community radios may become dependent, training local journalists with its western assumptions, or the choice and presentation of content. Further investigation is necessary in this area. They, nonetheless, contribute significantly to the rich tapestry of intervention development strategies encountered in the Sahel and, in doing so, promote radio pluralism in the region. Comparative research would also be useful in bringing together the role of NGO radio with other radio providers in the media spheres of the three countries. Similarly, further research is now needed into radio and technology in this region (Heywood et al., 2023). Whilst in depth discussions of hybridity fall outside the scope of this book, it does acknowledge the emergence and relevance of radio and media convergence.

A further limitation is my own positionality as a researcher. While research identity is not a core purpose of the book, I must at least acknowledge the implicit and explicit biases brought to the research to say nothing of the power relations that were involved. Although I had the pleasure of meeting many of the respondents and journalists multiple times, I remained a white educated researcher from the Global North coming, like many others, to ask questions about their lives or question their journalist practices as if I ‘knew best’. I didn’t, and I also didn’t claim to. We organised regular workshops with experts, journalists, and respondents from the countries over the course of the research projects to ask opinions, contributions, and advice on the direction of the research and on questions to be asked and how. The approach was collective, and findings were presented to the participants to ensure they were aware of the significant contribution they had made to the very information that was targeted at them.

Starting these initial conversations about radio’s empowering role based on the content it broadcasts, the manner in which it broadcasts (formats and platforms), and the choice of who is involved in the broadcasting as producers, editors, presenters, or guests is important. At a time when journalists and media organisations in the three countries are reconceptualising their profession given the deteriorating security situation and socio-economic challenges, women’s shifting roles in these male-dominated contexts cannot be understated. If women are portrayed in non-stereotypical ways and are included in the production and output of broadcasts, radio can influence how women perceive topics, how they perceive themselves, and, importantly, how society perceives them.