Abstract
The hypothesis at the core of this paper was published in a much larger work by the author in JEgH 12 2019. Due to its focus on Egyptological matters, that article reached a small circle of specialists, and its ramifications for the biblical scholarship have largely gone unnoticed. The present paper fills this gap – pointing as often as possible to the more extensive discussion of the previous paper’s evidence.
Recent archaeological evidence invalidates previous chronological solutions for the reign of Amenmesse: edging him between the reigns of Merenptah and Sethos II or allowing a partial overlap between Sethos II and Amenmesse’s early reigns. His reign’s time and geographical base must be rethought and identified within the regnal period of Merenptah.
This reconstruction looks strikingly similar to the late narratives (Manetho, Apion, Potter’s Oracle, The Lamb Oracle) concerning a revolt, Merenptah’s flight to Ethiopia, his return to Egypt, and his defeat of the contender. The late narratives’ association of Amenmesse’s rule with the Israelites is understandable against the historical background of a stock of Israelite prisoners brought by Merenptah to Egypt from his previous campaigns.
Due to this historical context, the literature of the time offers several hidden references to Israel. The Tale of Two Brothers, the political manifesto of the revolt, is an etiological story of the relations between Egypt and Israel using eponymic patterns as in the story of Danaos and Aigyptos. A Ramses V dated parodistic retelling of the tale, pChassinat III, introduces allusions later picked up by Manetho’s characters of Moses and Joseph (Barbotin, Revue d’égyptologie 50:5–26, 1999; Bányai, J Egypt Hist 12:36–103, 2019, n. 153).
A discussion of the literary material from this period demonstrates the necessity of a new approach to Early Israel and its possible relations to Retenu, a term designating an Asiatic neighbor of Egypt.
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Notes
- 1.
Helck (1956a, b: 64, 70), Beckerath (1980: 551) identify Ammenôphis as a frequent misspelling of the name of Merenptah in late antique literature alongside with all the garbled attested forms Ammenephthês/Ammenephthis > Amenôphath > Amenôph > Ammenôphis. It features within the Epitome as the name of a king of the 19th dynasty, obviously Merenptah.
- 2.
The name is entirely ruined in the original text and can only be tentatively proposed as Libyans based on our knowledge concerning the ethnic groups tormenting Egypt under Merenptah. Being a negative statement, “… cannot come forward,” its intention is only to convey the feeling of security at the inception of the reign of Amenmesse, similar to the message of the Israel Stele concerning the situation following the victory over the Libyans.
- 3.
There also exists a probably unrelated Takhat mother of Amenmesse. Given the frequency of the dynastic name, it is not necessary to assume the common identity of the two women.
- 4.
pAnastasi VI 3 is just a pupil’s joke. Enene (the scribe responsible for the writing of papyrus d’Orbiney, and pSallier II) poses as if reporting to his teacher Qagab about his border activity and recording the immigration of a Bedouin tribe (Caminos, 1954: 293).
This is a fiction since pAnastasi VI is part of a larger papyrus collection, beginning with pAnastasi IV, titled “[Beginning of the instruction of letter-writing made by the scribe of the treasury Qagab for] his apprentice Enene in the regnal-year 1 (of Sethos II), fourth month of Shomu, day 15” (Caminos, 1954: 125). Qagab would, under normal circumstances, not have received official reports of this kind since he was sitting in the wrong department.
Most of the other texts seem to follow closer to a real model. Morris, 2005: 486–487, arrives at similar conclusions about the text.
- 5.
Helck’s (1971) treatment of the Grenztagebuch caused an involuntary setback compared to Breasted’s translation and commentary (Vol. II, 1906). By replacing a single missing preposition in the Grenztagebuch assumed by Breasted as ‘for’ by ‘from,’ Helck reversed the messenger’s travel direction to “the place where the king is” in the document. As long as one read about ḪꜤj, the captain of infantry being in ḪꜢrw during the 15th day of the ninth month, one had to assume that the presence of the same ḪꜤj, in the place where the king is, during the same month, determined Merenptah’s presence in Syria.
Formerly thought to indicate Merenptah at war in Canaan, this was consequently modified to an irrelevant text. Naming the recipient of messages passing Tjaru/Sile was necessary because it entitled a messenger to border passage at Tjaru/Sile in the recipient’s direction. After all, these are copies from the address dockets and must have in the first line offered exact information regarding the address of the recipient and the recipient. Caminos (1954: 108–109) follows on this issue Breasted: “(for) where the king was, (for) the captain of infantry ḪꜤj.”
- 6.
The Lachish bowl 3 with receipts of wheat in payment of taxes dated to a year 4 attributable to Merenptah was found in the LBA destruction stratum (Wright, 1961: 212). It thus dates to the insurgents’ destruction of this Egyptian holding.
- 7.
Helck (1960: 12): “(Eigentum) des Merenptah, die Kriegsgefangenensiedlung, die sich im Bezirk von irm (vielleicht verschrieben für Amurru) befindet.” Helck’s translation of the term nẖtw roughly meaning ‘stronghold,’ conforms to the meaning ‘mercenary camp’ in pHarris I 76, 8; 77, pointing at the employment of the Asiatic prisoners as military in the far south.
- 8.
Bányai (2019: 43 ff) agrees with Krauss’s identification of Messuwy and ms.j, comparing the situation with the one under Ramses XI as the King’s Son of Kush, Panehesy, was a military governor of the Thebaid.
- 9.
A similar formula appears in pSallier IV. The usually proposed completion “speaks (bad)” in the translations lacks a justification. See Wettengel (2003: 23).
- 10.
PVandier borrows narrative patterns from the Tale of Two Brothers. The magician Merire, a cheated husband, is sent to the land of the dead by a fictional pharaoh, Si-Sebek, who marries his widow. The magician Merire appears to speak in the Netherworld with a pharaoh Meneptah (sic!), probably the historical Merenptah.
- 11.
A late attempt to replace the Egyptian figure in the biblical narrative by the Philistine Abimelech probably originates in the more Egyptian-friendly Northern Kingdom. The line of border-places convened between the “Philistine” king of Gerar and Abraham: Gerar, Esek, Sitnah, Rehoboth, and Beersheba represents a real historical border but existing between Israel and Egypt in the Negev, partly along the Besor, “the river of Egypt,” attested even in Neo-Assyrian texts.
- 12.
Asher also appears in an even earlier inscription dating to Sethos I in his temple of Redeshiya (Müller, 1893: 237), placed within a geographical sequence between Kadesh and Megiddo.
- 13.
The name seems to ironically mean קִצְרֵי־ יָ֔ד, thus, qִtsְrֵy ya֔d = short of power/i.e., powerless. The expression is attested in 2 Kings 19:26 and Isaiah 37:27. It probably transforms in pAnastasi I, a typical Egyptian derogatory designation of the enemy, as the powerless chief of Asher, to a proper Semitic name.
- 14.
- 15.
Mari texts M.7714 and A.3552 (Durand (1987: 219–220), Charpin (1992: 4 N.20–21)) record an early confrontation between Qatna and the “Canaanites” at the common border running by Râhișum (the later Ruḫizzi appearing in the later Amarna correspondence). This is a place likewise at the border to the territory controlled first by Qatna, and later by Kadesh.
- 16.
Another alternative traditional northern border was set by Dan. Generally speaking, borders can variate as well in “discrete” steps and “continuous” ones, with the fall of a neighbor state or due to war about provinces.
- 17.
Altenmüller (1982): „er (Sethnacht) schlachtete die Rebellen, welche in dem Lande Ägypten waren und reinigte den großen Thron von Ägypten, er (Sethnacht) war/wurde Herrscher auf dem Thron des Atum.“
- 18.
Amenhotep II, Amada stele, ḏr ntt ἰṯἰ.n.f. rsyw wꜤf.n.f mḥtyw: “since he had seized the Southerners and he had subdued the Northerners” (Helck, 1955: 1297–1298).
- 19.
This narrative seems to have found resonance in a detail of Manetho’s garbled story of the events under Merenptah (Josephus I.28): “This leader, Manetho adds, sent to Jerusalem inviting the people to join in alliance with him.”
- 20.
Grandet (1994 vol. II : 217–218) explains this key term as: „abandonner (un pays) en fuyant, en (le) quittant. ”
- 21.
1212 BCE that is 312 BCE (the Battle of Raphia) + 900 years.
- 22.
The evidence for the length of the reign of Ptolemaios VIII (54 yerars) is fuzzy, allowing even the assumption of a 55-year rule. See discussion in Bányai, 2019: n. 117. No Nilotic island called the island of Re exists – an Egyptian equivalent of a Greek Helios Island.
- 23.
Van der Veen (2022: 29–30) pleas for a 19th-dynasty location of the tribe of Reuben in a position close by its later attested historical one. He also points (2022: 30–32) at the Qom el-Hettan list of Amenhotep III preserving the name of śꜢ-kꜢr’, which he compared with the one of Issachar, somewhere in the southern Lebanon or northern Palestine.
- 24.
Deut. 2:23 is the traditional reason for placing the Conquest in the thirteenth century BCE. It is mostly discussed in association with the parallel enumeration of the Philistines and Cretans in Am. 9:7 and Jer. 47:4–5, assumed as a statement of identity between both groups.
Rendsburg appeals to reinforce the same chronological conclusions by hinting at the Exod 13: 17 mention of a “Road of the Land of the Philistines.” This is perceived as an anachronism by most scholars.
- 25.
As shown most recently by Bányai (2022), the Cretans settled in the Levant during the Middle Bronze Age. The Kasluhites, from whom the Philistines descend, as described by Ge 10:14 and 1 Chr 1:12 (Bányai, 2021–2022: 10), are firmly identified on the territory of Alalakh as Ḫa-zi-lu-uḫ-e (Wiseman, 1953: nos. 161, 207, 303). This town later belonged to Palasatini, the Iron Age follower state of Alalakh and the name-sake of Philistine. There is, therefore, no argument for a thirteenth-century date for Exodus and Conquest in Deut. 2:23 or Exod 13: 17.
- 26.
See Dever’s (1992: 545) commentary on these models:“ All of these models make some use of the archaeological data, but only the first (Albright’s Conquest model) is heavily dependent upon such evidence. Yet because these are models developed and employed mainly by biblical historians, the pertinent archaeological data have not always been adequately evaluated.”
- 27.
- 28.
Kletter (2001: 34): “There are almost no new burials in this period, but at the most, a continuation of a few LB burials.” This model offers a good reason for the largely lacking burials associated with the new Iron Age I settlements. The Israelite ideal to rest with his fathers, attested by countless biblical references, may have led some (or most) of these settlers to bury their dead in Bronze Age family burial caves at still abandoned Highland sites far from their present homes. A small number of Iron Age IA inhumations at abandoned sites could fail archaeological identification. These first settlements have a provisional character and are abandoned as soon as return to remoter LBA sites becomes possible. This phenomenon of abandonment of first-wave settlements without an associated sign of destruction was observed during Iron Age I.
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Bányai, M. (2023). Merenptah and Amenmesse – Egyptian Rumors Concerning the Exodus. In: Ben-Yosef, E., Jones, I.W.N. (eds) “And in Length of Days Understanding” (Job 12:12). Interdisciplinary Contributions to Archaeology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-27330-8_42
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