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Global Networks in the Atlantic Book Market (Booksellers and Inquisitors in the Spanish Empire)

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Abstract

From the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, Atlantic book trade grew exponentially, thanks to the spread of international merchant networks. In Mexico City, the increase in commercial activity in the book market was channelled by merchants highly connected with these international networks throughout their Spain-based agents. Inquisitorial documents and notarial records constitute an excellent source of information about their activity. The application of methods from Social Network Analysis allows us to reconstruct and measure trade on both sides of the Atlantic, describing market strategies, distribution channels, partners, and interaction with political and religious authorities.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This research has been funded by the projects International Book Trade Networks in the Hispanic Monarchy. 1501–1648 (HAR2017-82362-P), and Credit market and the Price Revolution in Spain, A 16th century bubble? (FEDER UPO-1261964). Some of the books annotated by the Admiral, such as The Travels of Marco Polo, are preserved today as part of the extraordinary library reunited by his son Hernando. See, for example, El Libro de Marco Polo Anotado por Cristóbal Colón, ed. J. Gil (Madrid, 1988). Regarding Hernando’s library, also known as Biblioteca Colombina, see E. Wilson-Lee, The Catalogue of Shipwrecked Books. Christopher Columbus, His Son, and the Quest to Build the World’s Greatest Library (New York, 2019).

  2. 2.

    I. A. Leonard, Books of the Brave: Being an Account of Books and of Men in the Spanish Conquest and Settlement of the Sixteenth-Century New World (Berkeley, 1992). http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft1f59n78v/

  3. 3.

    A. M. Bernal, ‘La Casa de la Contratación de Indias: del monopolio a la negociación mercantil privada (siglo XVI)’, in La Casa de la Contratación y la Navegación entre España y las Indias, ed. E. Vila, A. Acosta and A. L. González (Seville, 2003), 129–160; See also J. M. Oliva Melgar, El Sistema Comercial Español en la Economía Mundial (Madrid, 2013).

  4. 4.

    A. García-Baquero González, La Carrera de Indias: Suma de Contratación y Océano de Negocios (Seville, 1992) and A. M. Bernal, La Financiación de la Carrera de Indias (Seville, 1993) became already classic readings about the regulation and the logistics of the Atlantic Trade. E. Otte, Sevilla y sus Mercaderes a Finales de las Edad Media (Seville, 1996), or A. García-Baquero, ‘Los extranjeros en el tráfico con indias: Entre el rechazo legal y la tolerancia funcional’, in Los Extranjeros en la España Moderna, vol I., ed. M. B. Villar y P. Pezzi (Málaga, 2003), 73–99, describes the activities of foreigners participating in the commercial exchange with the Americas. More recently, Bartolomé Yun offers interesting insides about the topic: B. Yun Casalilla, Iberian World Empires and the Globalization of Europe. 1415–1668 (London, 2019).

  5. 5.

    It seems, indeed, that most of the books arrived in the Americas in the hands of Catholic missionaries, and not as commodities. C. Manrique Figueroa, El Libro Flamenco para Lectores Novohispanos. Una Historia Internacional de Comercio y Consumo Libresco (Mexico, 2019), 162–163.

  6. 6.

    C. Álvarez, Impresores, Libreros y Mercaderes de Libros en la Sevilla del Quinientos. II 0.2 (Saragossa, 2009), 192–193.

  7. 7.

    This company follows a common structure for the American trade: capitalist partners working from Seville, and agents or factors travelling through the Atlantic. Archivo General de Indias (AGI), Indiferente, 419, L.4, F.8 V-9R. In 1512, the King issued a letter to Diego Columbus, viceroy and governor of the Indies, to compel Diego Pedrosa to return to Seville and settle the company’s accounts, something that he has not done despite the letters his associate had written him.

  8. 8.

    N. Maillard-Álvarez, ‘Aproximación a la creación de las redes de distribución de libros en América a través de las fuentes españolas (segunda mitad del siglo XVI)’, Anuario de Estudios Americanos, 71, 2 (2014), 479–503. In 1526, the heirs of Andrea de Liondedei were still calling for Diego de Pedrosa to pay his debts.

  9. 9.

    C. Griffin, Los Cromberger. La Historia de una Imprenta del siglo XVI en Sevilla y Méjico (Madrid, 1991), 94–96.

  10. 10.

    A. Millares Carlo and J. Calvo, Juan Pablos. Primer Impresor que a esta Tierra Vino (Mexico City, 1953).

  11. 11.

    Griffin, Los Cromberger, 128 and 164–166.

  12. 12.

    N. Jiménez, ‘Comerciantes de libros en la Nueva España en el siglo XVI. Perfiles y estrategias’, in Impresos y Libros en la Historia Económica de México. Siglos XVI-XIX, ed. M. P. Gutiérrez Lorenzo (Guadalajara, 2007), 17–40 (24).

  13. 13.

    A good example of this is the Giunti family. From north Italy, they expanded towards France and Spain, where they were known as the Junta. The Iberian branch of the firm has been studied by W. Pettas, A History and Bibliography of the Giunti (Junta) Printing Family in Spain. 1514–1628 (New Castle, 2004), and M. de la Mano, Mercaderes e Impresores de Libros en la Salamanca del siglo XVI (Salamanca, 2003).

  14. 14.

    J.L. Gonzalo Sánchez Molero, ‘Los impresores ante el Consejo Real: el problema de la licencia y del privilegio (1502–1540)’ Actas XIII y XIV Jornadas bibliográficas Bartolomé J. Gallardo. 2006. Agustín Sánchez Rodrigo (1870–1933). 2007. Dos Pinceladas Sobre Mercaderes de Libros en el Siglo XVI. (Badajoz, 2009), 119–184, and J. García-Oro and M.J. Portela-Silva, La Monarquía y los Libros en el Siglo de Oro (Alcalá de Henares, 1999). Regarding licenses, see F. de los Reyes, El libro en España y América. Legislación y Censura. Siglos XVI-XVIII. II (Madrid, 2000), 779–781.

  15. 15.

    Regarding the peripheral role of the Spanish printing industry, see K. Wagner, ‘Les libraires espagnols au XVIe siècle’, in L’Europe et le Livre: Réseaux et Pratiques du Négoce de Librairie, XVI°-XIX° siècles (París, 1996), 31–42, and J. Moll, ‘Valoración de la industria editorial española del siglo XVI’, in Livre et Lecture en Espagne et en France sous l’Angien Régime (Paris, 1981), 79–84. The complex map of the European industry is analysed in Andrew Pettegree, ‘Centre and Periphery in the European Book World’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 18 (2008), 101–128. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the role played by secondary or peripheral centres of print, since a good part of the European books (especially in vernacular languages) and other printed materials were produced there. See Print Culture and Peripheries in Early Modern Europe, B. Rial Costa (Leiden, 2013).

  16. 16.

    Benito Boyer, born in Lyon, was the most relevant book merchant in Medina del Campo at the end of the sixteenth century. His extraordinary bookshop has been studied by V. Bécares and A. L. Iglesias, La Librería de Benito Boyer. Medina del Campo, 1592 (Salamanca, 1992). A complete study on the Portonariis is still to be written, regarding their business in Europe, see M. S. Misiti, ‘Una porta aperta sull’Europa: i de Portonariis tra Trino, Venezia e Lione’, Il Bibliotecario, III serie (2008), 55–91.

  17. 17.

    A. Rojo, ‘Los grandes libreros españoles del siglo XVI y América’, Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos, 500 (1992), 115–131.

  18. 18.

    That was the case of the shipment of books sent by the Sevillian bookseller Faustino de Magariño in 1562 to Mexico, which included, among others, editions from Lyon, Basel, or Louvain. M. Cachero and N. Maillard-Álvarez, ‘La construcción del mercado del libro en el mundo atlántico: redes y agentes’, in Instituciones, Imprenta y Mercados de Libros en Europa y América. Siglos XVI-XVIII (Seville, forthcoming).

  19. 19.

    Pedro de Portonariis, for instance, settled in the city in 1560 as an agent for his brother Andrea. N. Maillard-Álvarez, ‘Pedro de Portonariis y las redes internacionales del libro en Sevilla’, in Mercaderes y Redes Mercantiles en la Península Ibérica (Siglos XV-XVIII), ed. Manuel F. Fernández, Rafael M. Pérez y Béatrice Pérez (Seville, 2020), 156–178.

  20. 20.

    P. Rueda, ‘Las redes mercantiles del libro en la colonia’, 450.

  21. 21.

    In 1548 Don Juan de Valle, the first bishop of Popayan (Colombia), asked permission to travel to his dioceses accompanied by a bookseller, Maillard-Álvarez, ‘Aproximación a la creación de las redes’.

  22. 22.

    N. Jiménez, ‘«Príncipe» indígena y latino: una compra de libros de Antonio de Huitzimégari (1559)’, Relaciones, 23. 91 (2002), 133–162.

  23. 23.

    N. Jiménez, ‘Comerciantes de libros en la Nueva España en el siglo XVI. Perfiles y estrategias’, in Impresos y Libros en la Historia Económica de México (siglos XVI-XIX), ed. M. P. Gutiérrez Lorenzo (Guadalajara, 2007), 17–40.

  24. 24.

    M. Peña Díaz, Escribir y Prohibir. Inquisición y Censura en los Siglos de Oro (Madrid, 2015). The practices of the Mexican Inquisition regarding books are analysed in J. A. Ramos Soriano, Los delincuentes de papel. Inquisición y libros en la Nueva España. 1571–1820 (Mexico City, 2011). See also M.A. Nesvig, Ideology and Inquisition. The World of the Censors in Early Mexico (New Haven, 2009). An interesting update of the topic, although centred in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in I. García Aguilar, ‘Los temibles ojos, oídos y brazos de la Inquisición: notas sobre la censura de libros en Nueva España entre los siglos XVII y XVIII”, Colonial Latin American Review, 28. 2 (2019), 258–280.

  25. 25.

    An analysis of the mechanism deployed by the Inquisition in the Carrera de Indias and its weakness can be found in P. J. Rueda Ramírez, ‘El control inquisitorial del libro enviado a América en la Sevilla del siglo XVII’, in La Cultura del Libro en la Edad Moderna. Andalucía y América, ed. M. Peña, P. Ruíz and J. Solana (Córdoba, 2001), 255–270.

  26. 26.

    M. Cachero and N. Maillard-Álvarez, ‘La Construcción del Mercado del Libro en el Mundo Atlántico: Redes y Agentes’.

  27. 27.

    The transfer of the writing culture to the Americas through the Iberian Atlantic was studied by C.A. González-Sánchez, New World Literacy. Writing and Culture across the Atlantic. 1500–1700 (Bucknell, 2011). The system designed in the sixteenth century by the Spanish Crown to organise and control the book circulation towards the Americas would operate until the eighteenth century. A thorough analysis of the business around books circulation in the Carrera de Indias during the first half of the seventeenth century can be found in P. J. Rueda Ramírez, Negocio e Intercambio Cultural. El Comercio de Libros en la Carrera de Indias. Siglo XVII (Seville, 2005).

  28. 28.

    About this topic, see M. Garone, ‘La Tipografía y las Lenguas Indígenas: Estrategias Editoriales en la Nueva España’, La Biblioflía, 3 (2011), 355–373.

  29. 29.

    G. Rodríguez Domínguez, La Imprenta en México en el Siglo XVI (Mérida, 2018).

  30. 30.

    N. Jiménez, ‘Cuentas Fallidas, Deudas Omnipresentes. Los Difíciles Comienzos del Mercado del Libro Novohispano’, Anuario de Estudios Americanos, 71. 2 (2014), 423–446.

  31. 31.

    J. Martínez de Bujanda, El Indice de Libros Prohibidos y Expurgados de la Inquisición Española. 1551–1819 (Madrid, 2016).

  32. 32.

    N. Maillard-Álvarez, ‘Puertas de mala ventura: el control inquisitorial de la entrada de libros en los puertos del distrito sevillano durante el Quinientos’, in Actas de la X Reunión Científica de la Fundación Española de Historia Moderna: “El mar en los siglos modernos”. Vol. 2. (Santiago de Compostela, 2009), 279–291.

  33. 33.

    I. A. Leonard, Books of the Brave, 167. Nevertheless, the merchant Alonso de Castilla was punished to pay 150 ducats for having forbidden books in his shop. F. Fernández del Castillo, Libros y Libreros en el Siglo XVI (Mexico City, 1982), 48–80.

  34. 34.

    The history and the particular characteristics of the Mexican Inquisition are studied in S. Alberro, Inquisición y Sociedad en México, 1571–1700 (Mexico City, 2015).

  35. 35.

    Fernández del Castillo, Libros y Libreros en el Siglo XVI, 461.

  36. 36.

    Fernández del Castillo, Libros y Libreros, 466–467. ‘Vos mandamos que ahora y de aquí adelante, cada y cuando, que como tales Thenientes de oficales, fueredes a visitor y visitaredes, las dichas flotas y navíos particulares, y abriendo las caxas de ellas, viéredes y entendiéredes que en ellas vienen libros de cualquier facultad, así en la sagrada escritura como en filosofía y otras facultades, en cualquier lengua, cerréis las dichas caxas sin los sacar ni leer en manera alguna, para que se entreguen al Reverendo Francisco López de Rebolledo, comisario de este Santo Oficio en esta ciudad y Puerto de San Juan de Ulúa’.

  37. 37.

    Maillard-Álvarez, ‘Aproximación a la creación de las redes’, 480.

  38. 38.

    AGN, Inquisición, vol. 90, exp. 45. The document is transcribed in “Boletín del Archivo General de la Nación”, IV. 1 (1933), 71–73; See also, Nora Jiménez, ‘Medina del Campo y la Intermediación Sevillana. Aspectos del Comercio de Libros con las Indias en el último cuarto del Siglo XVI’, in Libros en Movimiento. Nueva España y Perú, Siglos XVI-XVIII, ed. A. Gehbald and N. Jiménez (Michoacán, 2021), 57–93.

  39. 39.

    Fernández del Castillo, Libros y Libreros, 250–254.

  40. 40.

    P. Rueda, ‘Los libreros Mexía en el comercio de libros con América en los últimos años del reinado de Felipe II’, in Felipe II (1527–1598): Europa y la Monarquía Católica, vol. 4, ed. J. Martínez Millan (Madrid, 1998), 477–496.

  41. 41.

    The only notarial document in Mexico that mentions him without any doubt is a payment obligation signed by the bookseller Alonso Losa, who agreed to pay Diego Mexía and Pedro Calderón 2065 golden pesos in exchange for a list of books. This document was published and studied by Leonard, Books of the Brave, 184–212.

  42. 42.

    Juan de Treviño and Pedro Balli, two of the booksellers interrogated by the Inquisition during their inquiry, have done this.

  43. 43.

    This purpose was apparent to everyone since it would be repeated by booksellers and inquisitors alike more than once during the inquiries. About the avería see, G. Céspedes del Castillo, La Avería en el Comercio de Indias (Seville, 1945).

  44. 44.

    At the same time, he stated to having received several boxes of books from Pedro Calderón and Diego Mexía registered on the fleet of 1579, and that he sold most of them to the booksellers Pedro Balli and Juan de Treviño.

  45. 45.

    Fernández del Castillo, Libros y Libreros, 383.

  46. 46.

    In 1585, for instance, he was sending several boxes with books from Veracruz to their final recipient in Mexico City. Fernández del Castillo, Libros y Libreros, 328–330.

  47. 47.

    According to Pedro Miguel: ‘Diego Ordoñez, warden, took another book, whose title he does not know … and the deponent consented to avoid any further trouble’. (‘y Diego Ordoñes, guarda, llevó otro libro, no sabe de que se intitulaba ... y éste que declara se lo consintió porque no le hiciese más molestia’). Thanks to the rapacity of the Royal officials, we know one of the titles, Boscán a lo Divino, the book taken by the accountant Alonso de Villanueva.

  48. 48.

    ‘la mucha solicitud de los hereges en yntroduzir en España y en las Yndias libros de sus herrores’. AHN, Inquisición, Libro 597, f. 182v.

  49. 49.

    ‘Los mercaderes de libros que ay oy en México son Juan de Treuiño, Alonso Losa, Pedro Balli, Pablo de Ribera. Sin estos, ay algunos que tienen libros en tiendas de mercadurías y en mesas en la plaça, y en la calle de Sant Francisco está un maestro librero...’.

  50. 50.

    Jiménez, ‘Comerciantes de libros en la Nueva España’

  51. 51.

    H. Kropfinger-von Kügelgen, ‘Europäischer Buchexport von Sevilla nach Neuspain im Jhare 1586’, in Das Mexiko-Project der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft, ed. Wilhelm Lauer (Wiesbaden, 1973), 1–106.

  52. 52.

    Balli already mentioned that Fajardo had carried books to the Indies for Diego Agúndez’s company. Likely he was a mobile agent, trafficking with books, rather than keeping an open bookshop. In the moment of the interrogatory, Fajardo had escaped from jail, where he was imprisoned due to a denunciation from Agúndez.

  53. 53.

    J. Pardo Tomás, ‘Censura inquisitorial y lectura de libros científicos: una propuesta de replanteamiento’, Tiempos Modernos, 4.9 (2003).

  54. 54.

    Aguilar arrived in Seville in connection with some international companies, working for them, although later he developed a prominent role in the Carrera de Indias, maintaining commercial relations with European printing houses, until his death in 1575. About Francisco de Aguilar see, C. A. González and N. Maillard-Álvarez, Orbe Tipográfico. El Mercado del Libro en la Sevilla de la Segunda Mitad del Siglo XVI (Gijón, 2003).

  55. 55.

    His father, Juan Vaily, was born in Chatres, near Paris.

  56. 56.

    J. Yhmoff Cabrera, Los Impresos Mexicanos del Siglo XVI en la Biblioteca Nacional de México (Mexico City, 1990), 169–170.

  57. 57.

    A. A.M. Stols, Pedro Ocharte. El Tercer Impresor Mexicano (Mexico City, 1990). The transcription of Ocharte’s trial can be found in Fernández del Castillo, Libros y Libreros en el Siglo XVI, 85–243. An innovative reading of this process, that stress the agency of the defendant, can be found in K. C. Ward, Estas Cuentas son si Cuenta: The Inquisition Trials of Juan Ortiz and Pedro Ocharte, a Historical Revision (Report presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin, 2001), 4. I want to thank Kenneth Ward for generously sharing his work with me.

  58. 58.

    ‘Que diciéndole a éste el dicho Dr. De la Fuente que cómo no procuraba ser familiar de este Santo Oficio, éste le respondió estando a solas que no quería, porque no quería ser malsín de nadie’.

  59. 59.

    ‘y lo mismo dixo éste [Ocharte] a Pedro Balli, librero, diciéndole que él lo procuaraba hacer, lo cual le respondió que no había de ser malsín, porque todos, aunque no fuesen familiars tienen obligación de decir lo que saben’. González del Castillo, Libros y Libreros, 116. To become a familiar was considered an honour and a social distinction facilitating the economic and political success.

  60. 60.

    Actually, he is not in the list of familiares published by Solange Alberro. Alberro, Inquisición y Sociedad en México, Apendix 3.

  61. 61.

    J. Toribio Medina, La Imprenta en México. 1539–1821, vol. 1 (Mexico City, 1989), xc.

  62. 62.

    M. R. Paisano Rodríguez, Pedro Balli, cuarto impresor novohispano. Estudio histórico-bibliotecológico PhD diss. (Mexico City, 2011), 12–17.

  63. 63.

    M. A. Pallarés Jiménez, La Imprenta de los Incunables en Zaragoza y el Comercio Internacional del Libro a Finales del Siglo XV (Zaragoza, 2003).

  64. 64.

    Before their departure, both men received a power of attorney to collect the debts in Mexico of some prominent book merchant from Spain. AHPSe, Leg. 3442. fol. 849v-851v.

  65. 65.

    In 1583 he sent 51 books to Manila, mostly literature in Spanish, together with printed images of Rome and primers. This list was first studied by I. A. Leonard, ‘One man’s library. Manila 1583’. Hispanic Review, 15. 1 (1947), 84–100. A survey about Treviño life and business in N. Maillard Álvarez, ‘“One Man’s Bookshop”: Juan de Treviño y el comercio de libros global en el siglo XVI’, Revista Complutense de Historia de América, 45 (2019), 49–67.

  66. 66.

    ‘Dixo que los mercaderes de libros propiamente residen en Medina del Campo, que tienen sus correspondençias en Flandes, León de Françia y otras partes de fuera de Spaña, que les cargan en papel; y a estos de Medina acuden los de Seuilla y otros de Spaña, y no saue los nombres de los estrangeros’.

  67. 67.

    He worked with Lucas de Junta from Salamanca and was agent of the powerful French book merchant Benito Boyer, settled in Medina del Campo. See V. Bécares, Guía Documental del Mundo del Libro Salmantino del Siglo XVI (Salamanca, 2006), 158, and J. García Oro and M.J. Portela, La Monarquía y los Libros en el Siglo de Oro (Alcalá, 1999), 97.

  68. 68.

    Indeed, after the inquisitorial investigation we have no evidence that he continued in the book business, although we know that he kept carrying other commodities from Spain. In 1586 together with the mentioned Pedro Miguel from Veracruz, he brought to New Spain several barrels of sherry that he sold to different individuals. See notary Francisco de Cuenca, ‘obligaciones de pago’, July–October 1586, in CPAGNCM, Fondo Siglo XVI. On line. Ivonne Mijares (coord.). Seminario de Documentación e Historia Novohispana, México, UNAM-Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 2014. http://cpagncmxvi.historicas.unam.mx/catalogo.jsp [20/08/2021].

  69. 69.

    AHN, Inquisición, Libro 597, f. 182.

  70. 70.

    The new liturgical books approved during the Council of Trent, known in Spain as the Nuevo Rezado, constituted a formidable business. To control it, Philipp II gave the monopoly of their trade to the monks of the Escorial. F. de los Reyes, El Libro en España y América, 211–224.

  71. 71.

    AHN, Inquisición, Libro 328, f. 22v-23r. Letter written on March, 3rd, 1582.

  72. 72.

    A useful review of the particularities and opportunities of the Network Analysis for Humanities can be found in R. Ahnert, S. Ahnert, C. N. Coleman, and S. B. Weingart, The Network Turn. Changing Perspectives in the Humanities (Cambridge, 2020). The specificities of the application of SNA in the discipline of Book History are discussed in Historical Networks in the Book Trade, ed. J. Hinks, and C. Feely (New York, 2017).

  73. 73.

    To simplify the graph, we considered only binary relationships where edges received values 1 or 0, 1 if there is at least one interaction between the nodes and 0 otherwise.

  74. 74.

    ‘diziendo que hera vino, lo qual entiende que se haze porque si no es vino y fruta seca no puede venir en nauío suelto’, AGN, Inquisición, Vol. 90, Exp. 45.

  75. 75.

    The SNA software used in this analysis divides all the nodes in groups of three (triads) and calculates for everyone the number of triads in which it is participating.

  76. 76.

    The merchant Bartolomé Rodríguez (his brother-in-law) and the booksellers Diego Núñez and Antonio Vivas.

  77. 77.

    The advantage of a comparative approach is that we rely on regular series of documents that are designed following the same legal tradition.

  78. 78.

    M. P. Martínez López-Cano, ‘Los mercaderes de la Ciudad de México en el siglo XVI y el comercio con el exterior’, Revista Complutense de Historia de América, 32 (2006), 103–126 (115). For instance, in 1556, he received a Royal License to send eight African slaves to the Americas AGI, Indiferente, 425, L.23, F.262, R(1).

  79. 79.

    AGI, Patronato, 182, R.1.

  80. 80.

    In 1558, Diego de San Román entrusted his partner, Andrea de Portonariis, to pay for all the commodities acquired by their company. See notary Pedro Sánchez de la Fuente, ‘poder especial’, 8 June 1558, CPAGNCM, Fondo Siglo XVI. On line. Ivonne Mijares (coord.). Seminario de Documentación e Historia Novohispana, México, UNAM-Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 2014. http://cpagncmxvi.historicas.unam.mx/catalogo.jsp [20/08/2021].

  81. 81.

    P. Rueda, ‘The Globalization of the European Book Market: Diego Crace’s Catalogus Librorum (Seville, 1680) and the ‘Sale of Books in New Spain’ in Books in the Catholic World During the Early Modern Period, ed. N. Maillard-Álvarez (Leiden, 2014), 51–69.

  82. 82.

    ‘nueva planta de la Iglesia católica’. Fernández del Castillo, Libros y Libreros, 467.

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Maillard-Álvarez, N., Cachero, M. (2023). Global Networks in the Atlantic Book Market (Booksellers and Inquisitors in the Spanish Empire). In: Cachero, M., Maillard-Álvarez, N. (eds) Book Markets in Mediterranean Europe and Latin America. New Directions in Book History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13268-1_6

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