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The Art of Learning: Illustrated Lecture Notebooks at the Old University of Louvain

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Scientific Visual Representations in History

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Abstract

The various roles fulfilled by the old University of Louvain, the main institution of higher education in the Southern Netherlands, can be investigated through a collection of dictation notes, or dictata, that crosses four centuries. In these handwritten lecture notebooks, the text is often accompanied by title pages, ink drawings, engraved plates inserted between or pasted onto the pages. The well-preserved corpus is representative of the combinatorial art that developed in the early modern visual culture in Europe. My contribution is articulated around two issues. Firstly, it focuses on the rhetorical and visual strategies used to convey scientific contents, and on the learning mechanisms those images implied. Secondly, the essay aims to draw attention to a particular mode of representation employed, the Western tradition of emblematics, which were taken from moral or religious publications and adapted to an academic message. Emblematic devices were favored for the representation of sciences during the early modern period due to their persuasive effectiveness. The framing, pedagogical, and mnemonic functions of such syncretic images inserted in college notebooks are further developed in order to estimate their role in the transmission of traditional university knowledge as well as new ideas.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The practice also developed in Parisian institutions such as the Grand Couvent des Cordeliers, see (Berger 2017; Schmutz 2008).

  2. 2.

    A list of the archives destroyed in 1914 indicates the presence of nine notebooks, see (de Moreau 1918, 97–98, nos. 109–116).

  3. 3.

    See the collaborative project Magister Dixit led by the KULeuven, and its website: http://lectio.ghum.kuleuven.be/lectio/magister-dixit-project. Accessed 9 May 2022. Most examples discussed in this article can be found in this database. There are 217 manuscripts held at the KBr (164 of which are illustrated), 127 volumes are preserved in the archives of the UCLouvain (seventy-three illustrated), 204 manuscripts can be found in the archives of the KULeuven (149 of which are illustrated), 15 volumes are in the Abdij van Berne Heeswijk, five notebooks are held in private collections, and one manuscript is at the M Museum of Louvain. Furthermore, forty-three illustrated dictata are in the collection of manuscripts of the ULg (Liège), and seven volumes are held in Den Haag and Leiden (Smets 2014). Notebooks preserved in other institutions are listed in (Mirguet and Hiraux 2003, 75–79).

  4. 4.

    In an article published in 2000, Carmelia Opsomer suggested a slightly different classification: firstly, a traditional “university iconography,” secondly, the reuse of an emblematic tradition, and thirdly, a Cartesian imagery (Opsomer 2000).

  5. 5.

    The engravings are listed by (Vanpaemel 2011, 254). The list of engravings made by Michael Hayé was originally drawn by Esther van Gelder in her master’s thesis. She suggests that the new sets of engravings were introduced between 1674 and 1685 (van Gelder 2005, 7). It is not known whether the entire set of images was available at the same time, nor for how long they were on the market (Vanpaemel 2011, 244).

  6. 6.

    Carmelia Opsomer identified four sources used by the booksellers for the production of Cartesian images. Anatomical plates were taken from Florent Schuyl’s De homine (1662), a Latin translation from René Descartes’ Traité de l’Homme, and Clerselier’s L’homme de René Descartes (1664). Illustrations of rainbows, light refraction, magnetic poles, mechanics, and hydrostatics are adapted from plates published in the Fundamenta physices by Henry Le Roy (1646). Courses on optics demonstrate the influence of Jacques Rohault’s Traité de physique at Louvain (1671) (Opsomer 2000, 166–176).

  7. 7.

    KULeuven: Ms. 211, f. 65r, Ms. 354, f. 113r, Ms. 355, f. 65r; Ms. 358, f. 175r; UCLouvain: Ms. C165, f. 48v; Royal Library of Belgium: Ms. II 106, f. 30v, Ms. II 3214, f. 101r, Ms. II 3703, f. 156r; Ms. II 4269, f. 145r, Ms. II 4765, f. 89v, Ms. II 4854, f. 221r, Ms. II 5444, f. 144r, Ms. II 5602, f. 126r; Liège University: Ms. 2058, f. 187, Ms. 2355, f. 106rv, Ms. W67, f. 173. Cleverly, Cox (Ms. 211) used two ink colors for the fugitive sheet: red for the general composition and black for the internal parts of the heart. This method facilitates the reading of the anatomical plate.

  8. 8.

    The first anatomical fugitive sheet was produced by the printer and engraver Heinrich Vogtherr the Elder. A year later, Hans Guldenmundt executed a pair of fugitive sheets, depicting a male and a female figure. At least fifteen editions of these prints were made between 1538 and 1540 (Moore 2015, 54). About that topic, see also (Carlino 1999).

  9. 9.

    Hayé was a member of the Guild of Saint Luke in Antwerp in 1661, and settled in Louvain shortly after that date, see (Delsaerdt 2001, 379–380). He was associated with the University of Louvain, as he matriculated in 1666 (Schillings 1963, 249, no. 48). Blendeff was a painter from Liège who moved around 1676 to Louvain, where he was appointed city painter and then “iconographer of the university” (Van Even 1868, col. 470–471).

  10. 10.

    Open adherence to Cartesianism was nevertheless firmly condemned, as it was the case of Martin van Velden in 1691 (Vanpaemel 2011, note 24).

  11. 11.

    The image of the Porphyrius tree was for instance used in Joannes Franciscus de Roemer, Logica, 1671. Liège, University Library, ms. W 65, f. 57. Other engravings of this diagrammatic tree circulated, such as a plate signed “I. Bonnart au coq,” in Franciscus de Meulder, Logica, 1781–1782. KBr, Ms. 11,702, f. 10r.

  12. 12.

    For humor and satirical language, see for instance: Georgius Jodoigne, Petrus de Molder, Joannes Van Esse, Logica, 1677–1678. KULeuven, Ms. 250, f. 132r. Adolphus Franciscus De Witte, Dialectica, 1698–1699. UCLouvain, Ms. C24, f. 131v.

  13. 13.

    Today, the expression Pons asinorum means a simple technique to solve a problem, or a mnemonic support to remember something complex. But the Donkey’s Bridge indicates also a danger. Pliny the Elder (23–79 AD) relates in his Historia Naturalis (8, 169) the story of donkeys that do not cross a bridge when they can see the water shine underneath. Only silly donkeys—that is to say, silly students—are scared by apparent obstacles when they take the explanation of a problem for the problem itself (Papy 2012, 117).

  14. 14.

    For an in-depth analysis of this manuscript, see (de Mûelenaere 2022).

  15. 15.

    Maximillianus Plischart, Physica. Metaphysica, 1738–1739. UCLouvain, Ms. C75, f. 305r. Engravings were sometimes colored by the student: Leo Joseph Daco, Physica. Metaphysica, 1678. KBr, ms. II 106, f. 323r. The pictura does not belong to Engelgrave’s oeuvre, but the copperplate was perhaps made by Hayé to be added to the series of emblem engravings that the printer already had at his disposal (Van Vaeck 2012, 156–157).

  16. 16.

    Joannes Lambertus de Ponthier, Physica, 1732. KULeuven, Ms. 262, f. 286r.

  17. 17.

    Michael van den Biesche, Physica. Metaphysica, 1675–1676. KULeuven, Ms. 261, f. 102r. This copy is based on Blendeff’s print; it includes the title Cor humanum, absent in the original illustration in Schuyl’s textbook (Berger 2017, 134).

  18. 18.

    (Fowler 2016) studies the opposite practice, that is the pedagogy of draftsmanship illustrated in print, through an analysis of early modern printed drawing books.

  19. 19.

    For instance, the same title page was inserted four times in Norbert Joseph Ligiers, Physica, 1694–1695. KULeuven, Ms. 354, f. 0r, 50r, 258r and 302r.

  20. 20.

    At least eighty-seven of the 104 picturae published in Engelgrave’s Lux Evangelica circulated as engravings for dictata (Van Vaeck 2012, 154, 243–261).

  21. 21.

    Nicolas Dereumont, Logica, 1671. Liège, University Library, Ms. W65, f. 349v: “De contradictoriis.”

  22. 22.

    (Engelgrave 1652, 414, no. 42). The text under the pictura reads: “Uni soli. Dominica decimaquarta post Pentecosten. Uni & soli Deo serviendum esse, omnemque affectum ei soli exhibendum. § I. Nemo potest duobus Dominis servire. Mat. 6. § II. Gravis Daemonis fallacia persuadentis, posse aliquem duobus Dominis servire. § III. Uni soli Deo ac Domino serviendum.”

  23. 23.

    Nicolas Dereumont, Physica, Metaphysica, 1668. Liège, University Library, Ms. W64, f. 353v: “de ortu et occasu astrorum.”

  24. 24.

    Joannes van Alderweirelt, Physica, 1714–1715. UCLouvain, Ms. C72, f. 164r (engraving pasted on folio and pen drawing).

  25. 25.

    Norbert Joseph Ligiers, Physica, 1694–1695. KULeuven, Ms. 354, f. 346v–347r.

  26. 26.

    The student probably reversed the logical order of month and year (well respected in the title) to more easily write over the word contradictoriis (die matching with the third syllable -dic).

  27. 27.

    Henricus Joannes van Cantelbeke, Logica, 1669. KULeuven, Ms. 209, f. 63v (“Quaestio vigesima quarta Quid sint enuntiationes reduplicativae et quomodo exponantur”).

  28. 28.

    Pia desideria was “the most popular religious emblem book of the seventeenth century,” according to Peter Daly (Daly 2008, 106). It appeared in over forty-four Latin editions and many translations (i.e. the Dutch adaptation of Justus de Harduwijn, Goddelycke wenschen (Antwerp: Hendrick Aertssens, 1629)) until the eighteenth century.

  29. 29.

    “Nunquid non paucitas dierum meorum finietur brevi? Dimitte ergo me ut plangam paullum dolorem meum!”

  30. 30.

    A similar emblem shows a sundial under a cloudy sky in (De la Feuille 1691, 12, no. 14): Mihi tollunt nubula solem (“The clouds take my light from me”).

  31. 31.

    The quote is repeated in the introduction to the first paragraph, on the page facing the image.

  32. 32.

    The caption reads: “Flamma volat, micat aethra, fugam cape, conflagrat orbis: Plena adeò igniuomis omnia sunt speculis. A. Vrens speculum concauum. B. Archimedes speculo naues hostiles incendit. C. Transparens speculum ustulans. D. Puer ab articis ictus et ustulatus. E. Basilicus visu necans. F. Impudicae mulieris oculi nequissima urentia specula. G.H. Cor viri, impudicae obtutu, et daemonis halite, concrematur.”

  33. 33.

    (Vaenius 1615, 41): “Crescit in Immensum” (“It grows to infinity”). The French subscriptio reads: “Le miroir accroist la lumiere Qu’il prend & reçoit du soleil, Nostre ame en la mesme maniere, Et par vn effect tout pareil, Nourrit si sainctement les flammes, Que luy communique son Dieu; Qu’elle eschauffe des autres ames, Et les esprend au mesme feu.”

  34. 34.

    (Van Hees 1636, 307, no. 12): “Charitas non agit perperàm” (I Corinthians 13: 4: “Love does not act wrongly”).

  35. 35.

    (De la Feuille 1691, 17, no. 15): “Un Cœur allumé par la verberation du Soleil, par un miroir ardent, Inflammatur, …I burn but am not consumed”.

  36. 36.

    Balthasar Cox, Metaphysica. Physica, 1686–1687. KULeuven, Ms. 211, f. 87r. The engraving is also included in UCLouvain, Ms. C6, f. 110, with the same title.

  37. 37.

    See also Norbert Ligiers, Physica, 1694–1695. KULeuven, Ms. 354, f. 453r (title erased); Franciscus Gonzalez, Physica, 1739. KULeuven, Ms. 213, f. 212r; Joannes De Noefbourgh, Physica, 1705–1706. KBr, Ms. II 5422, f. 208r; Physica, 1761. UCLouvain, Ms. C209, f. 76r.

  38. 38.

    (Engelgrave 1652, 1): “Emblema I. Erunt signa (Luc 21). Multa ac metuenda minatur (Ovid. 15 Met.). Funestis Deus signis minatur ac terret, ut à peccato deterreat. §I. Dabo prodigia in caelo sursum, & signa in terram deorsum (Act. 2). §II. Dedisti timentibus te significationem, ut fugiant à facie arcus (Psal. 59).”

  39. 39.

    For instance, KULeuven, Ms. 213, f. 206v.

  40. 40.

    Hermannus Veerdonck, Physica, 1669. Abdij van Berne Heeswijk, Ms. K6, f. 411v (without title) facing the chapter De condensatione.

  41. 41.

    Henricus Johannes van Cantelbeeck, Physica, 1669–1670. KULeuven, Ms. 207, f. 18r.

  42. 42.

    Balthasar Cox, Metaphysica. Physica, 1686–1687. KULeuven, Ms. 211, f. 122v.

  43. 43.

    The importance of emblematic culture in the Plantinian circle has been widely demonstrated, Plantin having played an important role as a disseminator of this culture at a European level by (re)-publishing classics of the genre, including Alciato’s emblems; see (Visser 2003).

  44. 44.

    Engelgrave 1648, 412, no. 46. The full title reads: [Et] ecce quidam de scribis [dixerunt intra se: Hic blasphemat] (Matt. 9). Studia in contrāria (2. Aeneid). Dominica decima-octava post Pentecosten (Matthew 9:3: “And behold, some of the scribes [said to themselves, ‘This man is blaspheming’];” Aeneid 2.39: “into opposing parties;” “Eighteenth Sunday after Pentecost”).

  45. 45.

    Concordia—Discordia, 1648. KBr, Ms. 20.307, f. 118v–119r.

  46. 46.

    Bellum—Pax, 1659. KBr, Ms. 20.317, f. 51v. Superbia—Humilitas, 1662. KBr, Ms. 20.332, f. 61v: “Humili discordia dolori est”.Tristia—Laetitia, 1665. KBr, Ms. 20.331, f. 83r: “Tristia civium discordia.”

  47. 47.

    Norbert Joseph Ligiers, Physica, 1694–1695. KULeuven, Ms. 354, f. 477v–478r.

  48. 48.

    The relationship between the University of Louvain and the Jesuit Order was conflictual; see (Roegiers 2012).

  49. 49.

    The textbook was reprinted the following year under the title Annus positionum mathematicarum for the thesis of Wolffgang Philip I. Unverzagt (only the frontispiece is different).

  50. 50.

    As an exception, September counts only two weeks.

  51. 51.

    Ghent University Library, inv. MA.000176. The etchings were executed by François Ertinger. The composition designed to ornament the title page to Positiones mathematicae is interesting as it presents a summary of the experiments led by putti in the twelve vignettes inaugurating the chapters of the booklet.

  52. 52.

    Balthasar Cox, Metaphysica. Physica, 1686–1687. KULeuven, Ms. 211, f. 84v: “De speciebus visibilibus.” See (Engelgrave 1652, 437, no. 46).

  53. 53.

    Originating from a Greek verb meaning to throw, to put in, or to insert, the Latin word emblema referred to a detachable ornament, a graft, a mosaic, or other inlaid work (Russel 2009, 3).

  54. 54.

    Conversely, rhetoric borrowed from science its descriptive or demonstrative images to emblematize them and thus put them at the service of a moralizing or religious message. This phenomenon can be observed for instance in a collection of sacred emblems published in Antwerp by Willem Van Hees (Emblemata sacra de fide, spe, charitate, 1636), whose images are inspired by mathematics: music, optics, and physics (Dekoninck 2011, 107–108).

  55. 55.

    “Memory even of intellectual objects involves an image” (Aristotle 1984, 450a11–14, 715); “Things arranged in a fixed order, like the successive demonstrations in geometry, are easy to remember, while badly arranged subjects are remembered with difficulty” (Aristotle 1984, 452a1–4, 718).

  56. 56.

    Cicero is cited as a reference for the construction of discourses in the Ratio studiorum, the organizing charter of Jesuit teaching; see (Demoustier et al. 1997, 165, 168, 174, 187, 191).

  57. 57.

    The large number of preserved manuscripts of the Ad Herennium attests to its popularity in the middle ages. The first edition was issued in Venice in 1470. Furthermore, classical works on memory led to the publication of adapted versions and commentaries within educational institutions. For instance, Antoine Haneron, professor at the University of Louvain in the fifteenth century, published a number of writings on Latin language and style figures, and among them Tractatus de coloribus verborum et sententiarum cum figuris grammaticalibus (Utrecht, ca. 1475). It is a simplified adaptation of the fourth book of Ad Herennium. The book was used for more than fifty years by students not only in Louvain but also in Deventer, Leiden, and Vienna (Ijsewijn-Jacobs 1976, 187–188 (cat. no. 257)).

  58. 58.

    On the relationships between the classical tradition of the artificial arts of memory and emblematic language, see (Bolzoni 2004; Daly 2014, 87–130; Freeman 1948, 198–203; Knape 1988; Yates 1969, 124).

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  1. Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium

    Gwendoline de Mûelenaere

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  1. Max Planck Institute for the History of Science (MPIWG), Berlin, Germany

    Matteo Valleriani

  2. Dipartimento di Studi Storici, Università degli Studi di Milano, Milan, Italy

    Giulia Giannini

  3. Dipartimento di Lettere, Filosofia, Comunicazione, Università di Bergamo, Bergamo, Italy

    Enrico Giannetto

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de Mûelenaere, G. (2023). The Art of Learning: Illustrated Lecture Notebooks at the Old University of Louvain. In: Valleriani, M., Giannini, G., Giannetto, E. (eds) Scientific Visual Representations in History. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11317-8_1

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