Abstract
In this chapter, we lay out our own proposal, based on Romance languages and French in particular. We argue that predicates selecting the subjunctive mood involve an ‘emotive’ argument. We first give a detailed syntactic and semantic analysis of predicates selecting subjunctive embedded clauses, showing that they all have an emotive argument, and that they all include a hierarchically organized set of basic features related to their external argument. We then provide a formal definition of our emotive feature and we introduce a new typology of subjunctive selecting predicates based on their featural composition. Finally, we discuss the syntactic implementation of such a proposal.
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Notes
- 1.
Alternating verbs are relevant because the alternation between indicative and subjunctive complements corresponds to relatively subtle differences. In the English translations that we give, we try to convey these differences. This might result in relatively free translations, where the two meanings of one verb may be rendered with two different lexical verbs in English.
- 2.
Note that (i) below seems to provide counterexamples to our claim:
(i)
Le protocole exige/demande/prévoit que tous les partenaires soient présents.
The protocol requires/demands/stipulates that all the partners be.3pl.subj present
To our knowledge, the only verbs which accept inanimate external arguments with embedded complements are directives and some future-referring verbs. However, as is the case with non-literal meanings of ‘say’ and other verbs of saying (see (ii) below), we contend that this is not part of the semantics of these predicates per se but is the result of some pragmatic accommodation.
(ii)
Le texte dit que tous les partenaires doivent être présents.
The text says that all the partners must be present.
- 3.
Note that given the discussion in the previous section, we will from now on ignore the cause property.
- 4.
Recall that this category of verbs has already being proven to be problematic for other approaches to mood choice in Romance (see Chap. 3 in particular).
- 5.
- 6.
Note that French speakers do not all agree on the status of examples with espérer taking subjunctive-complements. In this book, we describe the variety spoken by speakers who accept it.
- 7.
Croire ‘believe’ can co-occur with tellement but when it does, tellement has a quantity meaning (and not a degree one). See Villalta (2006) for discussion and for an account of the possibility of know very well in Spanish and English.
- 8.
We are well aware that these predicates are lexically more complex than sentience. However, investigating the fine-grained lexical semantics of these predicates would go beyond the scope of this work and we leave this for further research.
- 9.
Such an approach to the subject’s emotional implication in subjunctive embedding contexts is also developed in Portner and Rubinstein (2012).
- 10.
We borrow the terminology from Léger (2006). Both propositional and emotive predicates may select either finite or non-finite CPs. In this discussion, we focus on finite CPs.
- 11.
Léger also studies a third type of matrix adjectival predicates: effective predicates, which only select for non-finite clauses. We won’t discuss these here and the reader is referred to Léger’s work for more details.
- 12.
Many thanks to a reviewer for pointing this out. It should be noted, though, that (34a) as given in Léger (2006) is perfectly acceptable. However, the parenthetical pour Jean does not express the Speaker’s perspective, but merely comments on the target of the feeling of sadness.
- 13.
Capable (‘able’), susceptible (‘susceptible’) are exceptions to this, however, as they only license the personal version. These predicates, just like modal verbs, only select for an infinitive embedded clause:
(i)
a.
George peut finir son papier.
Georges can finish his paper
b.
*George peut que il/Léon finisse/finit son papier.
G. can that he/Leon finish. 3sg.ind/subj his paper
(ii)
a.
Georges est capable/susceptible de finir son papier.
Georges is able/susceptible comp finish.inf his paper
b.
*Georges est capable/susceptible que il/Leon finit/finisse son papier.
G. is able/susceptible that he/Leon finish. 3sg.ind/subj his paper
- 14.
In that respect, Léger (2006) refers to Palmer (2001:89):
“The word necessary itself is not used in an epistemic sense in ordinary language (as opposed to logical terminology). It would not be normal to say *It is necessary that John is in his office, although it is possible to say, in semi-logical language, It is necessarily the case that John is in his office. There is no problem with […] possible—It is possible that John is in his office is perfectly normal.”
- 15.
We also provide here Kiparsky and Kiparsky’s (1970) insightful definition of the notion of ‘emotive’: “Emotive complements are those to which the Speaker expresses a subjective, emotional, or evaluative reaction. The class of predicates taking emotive complements includes the verbs of emotion of classical grammar, and Klima’s affective predicates (Klima, 1964: 35) but is larger than either and includes in general all predicates which express the subjective value of a proposition rather than knowledge about it or its truth value” (Kiparsky & Kiparsky, 1970: 169).
- 16.
Note that Swiss French varieties have a positive-valued version of décevoir (‘disappoint’), indicating unexpected positive outcome:
(i)
J’ai été déçue en bien que le maire ait voté pour les pistes cyclables.
I have been disappointed in good that the mayor has.3sg.subj voted for the lanes cyclable
‘I have been positively surprised that the mayor voted in favor of cycling lanes.’
- 17.
Recall from Chap. 2, Sect. 2.2.2.1 that Villalta’s (2000 and subsq) approach also integrates the notion of comparison. However, while her analysis builds on the consequences of the comparison in terms of a focusing strategy within the embedded clause, we argue that the subjunctive is licensed under the condition that the matrix predicate itself encodes a given property, namely [emotive] which is associated with the external argument of the predicate.
- 18.
This position may appear to blur the line between a deontic modal content and an evaluative one. However, as pointed out by Tappolet (2013), normative concepts fall into two distinct categories. Evaluative (or axiological) terms, as expressions of evaluative concepts, are usually used to assess the value of states of affairs, indicating thus the position of the Speaker/Subject in terms of approval, mostly in the line of what Bianchi et al. call a ‘given ideal’. Deontic terms, on the other hand, are used to indicate what must be done, without necessarily involving the Speaker/Subject’s position with respect to the norm.
- 19.
To avoid misunderstandings, we will not assign contentful labels to the categories, and will use a neutral “class” term.
- 20.
Note that it also has an evaluative attitude with respect to the event expressed in the complement clause. Indeed, in the previous section, we suggested that evaluation may also play a role in the semantics of cognitive verbs. However, the axiological component might not be a separate feature as such. We thus choose not to integrate this property in the fseq, leaving the issue for future research.
- 21.
That ‘volition’ is an individual component of the structure seems to be confirmed by languages which have a separate volitional affix. See e.g. Hindi, where volition is marked with an ergative case (Witzlack-Makarevich, 2001):
(i)
Ram kʰãs-a
Ram.masc.nom cough.prf.masc.sg [Involitive (nom) Case]
‘Ram coughed.’
(ii)
Ram -ne kʰãs-a [Volitive (erg) Case]
Ram.masc -erg cough.prf.masc.sg
‘Ram coughed (purposefully).’
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Baunaz, L., Puskás, G. (2022). Subjunctive: A New Proposal. In: A Cross-linguistic Approach to the Syntax of Subjunctive Mood. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, vol 101. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04540-0_4
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