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Drug Trafficking and Organized Crime in Mexico

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Abstract

This chapter examines drug trafficking and organized crime in Mexico. It begins with a history of drug trafficking and how it has evolved over time. It focuses on the 71-year rule by a single political party and the transition to democracy in 2000, which had an impact on the relationship between the state and organized crime. This chapter then examines Felipe Calderón’s war on drugs and the Mérida Initiative, a U.S.-funded plan, to help the Mexican government combat drug trafficking and organized crime. It then examines recent trends in drug trafficking, organized crime, and counternarcotic policies, focusing on the Peña Nieto and López Obrador governments. It examines opium production and the evolution of organized crime in the State of Guerrero. Finally, this chapter analyzes the impact of the Coronavirus on organized crime and the challenges combating corruption and impunity.

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Notes

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  4. 4.

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  5. 5.

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  6. 6.

    Luis Astorga and David A. Shirk, Drug Trafficking Organizations and Counter-Drug Strategies in the U.S.-Mexican Context (San Diego, CA: UC San Diego, 2010); Luis Alejandro Astorga Almanz, Mitología del ‘narcotraficante’ en México (Mexico D.F., Plaza y Valdés Editor, 1995).

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  12. 12.

    Jorge Chabat, “Drug Trafficking in U.S.-Mexican Relations: What You See Is What You Get;” Guadalupe Gonzalez, “El problema del Narcotráfico en el Contexto de la Relación entre México y Estados Unidos,” Carta de Política Exterior Mexicana (1985): pp. 24–25; Tony Payan, “The drug war and the US-Mexico border: The state of affairs,” South Atlantic Quarterly 105, no. 4 (2006): pp. 863–880; Kate Doyle, “The militarization of the drug war in Mexico,” Current History 92, no. 571 (1993): p. 83.

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  14. 14.

    William Yardley, “Rubén Zuno Arce, Guilty in Drug Killing, Dies at 82.”

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    Benjamin Lessing, Making Peace in Drug Wars: Crackdowns and Cartels in Latin America (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2018), p. 215.

  16. 16.

    Peter Watt and Roberto Zepeda, Drug War Mexico: Politics, Neoliberalism and Violence in the New Narcoeconomy; Peter Andreas, Border games: Policing the US-Mexico divide (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012); Peter Andreas, “The political economy of narco-corruption in Mexico,” Current History 97, no. 618 (1998): p. 160.

  17. 17.

    Louise Shelley, “Corruption and organized crime in Mexico in the post-PRI transition,” Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 17, no. 3 (2001): pp. 213–231; Joseph L. Klesner, “Electoral competition and the new party system in Mexico,” Latin American Politics and Society 47, no. 2 (2005): pp. 103–142; Ricardo Pozas-Horcasitas, “La democracia fallida: la batalla de Carlos A. Madrazo por cambiar al PRI,” Revista mexicana de sociología 70, no. 1 (2008): pp. 47–85; Rogelio Hernández Rodríguez and Wil G. Pansters, “La democracia en México y el retorno del PRI,” Foro Internacional (2012): pp. 755–795.

  18. 18.

    Christy Thornton and Adam Goodman, “How the Mexican Drug Trade Thrives on Free Trade,” The Nation, July 15, 2014, p. 7; Peter A. Lupsha, “Drug lords and narco-corruption: The players change but the game continues,” Crime, Law and Social Change 16, no. 1 (1991): pp. 41–58.

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    Richard Snyder and Angelica Duran-Martinez,” Does illegality breed violence? Drug trafficking and state-sponsored protection rackets,” Crime, Law and Social Change 52, no. 3 (2009): pp. 253–273; Luis Astorga and David A. Shirk, Drug Trafficking Organizations and Counter-Drug Strategies in the U.S.-Mexican Context (San Diego, CA: UC San Diego, 2010).

  20. 20.

    For more on corruption, see: Stephen D. Morris, “Corruption and Mexican political culture,” Journal of the Southwest (2003): pp. 671–708; John J. Bailey, “Perceptions and attitudes about corruption and democracy in Mexico,” Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 22, no. 1 (2006): pp. 57–81.

  21. 21.

    Luis Estrada and Alejandro Poiré, “The Mexican standoff: taught to protest, learning to lose,” Journal of Democracy 18, no. 1 (2007): pp. 73–87; Debra Sabia and Vincent Kohler, “The 2006 Mexican Presidential Election: Democratic Development or Democratic Debacle?” Journal of Third World Studies 25, no. 1 (2008): pp. 161–181.

  22. 22.

    For more, see: John Bailey, Pablo Parás, and Dinorah Vargas, “Army as Police? Correlates of Public Confidence in the Police, Justice System, and the Military: Mexico in Comparative Context,” Política y Gobierno (2013): pp. 161–185; Roderic A. Camp, Armed forces and drugs: Public perceptions and institutional challenges (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Mexico Institute, 2010); David Pion-Berlin and Miguel Carreras, “Armed forces, police and crime-fighting in Latin America,” Journal of Politics in Latin America 9, no. 3 (2017): pp. 3–26.

  23. 23.

    For more, see: Kindra Mohr, “The Merida Initiative: An Early Assessment of US-Mexico Security,” Paterson Review 9 (2008): pp. 71–84; Stephanie Erin Brewer, “Rethinking the Mérida Initiative: Why the US must change course in its approach to Mexico’s drug war,” Human Rights Brief 16, no. 3 (2009): p. 3; Sabrina Abu-Hamdeh, “The Merida initiative: an effective way of reducing violence in Mexico?” Pepperdine Policy Review 4, no. 1 (2011): p. 5; Paul Ashby, “Solving the border paradox? Border security, economic integration and the mérida initiative,” Global Society 28, no. 4 (2014): pp. 483–508.

  24. 24.

    Jonathan Daniel Rosen and Roberto Zepeda Martínez, “La guerra contra el narcotráfico en México: una guerra perdida,” Revista Reflexiones 94, no. 1 (2015): pp. 153–168.

  25. 25.

    Direct quote from “the Merida Initiative,” U.S. Embassy & Consulates in Mexico, https://mx.usembassy.gov/our-relationship/policy-history/the-merida-initiative/, accessed May 15, 2020.

  26. 26.

    Clare Ribando Seelke, Mexico: Background and U.S. Relations (Washington, DC, Congressional Research Service, 2020); data from Department of State and Department of Justice.

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    Clare Ribando Seelke and Kristin Finklea, U.S.-Mexican Security Cooperation: The Mérida Initiative and Beyond (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2017).

  28. 28.

    Bruce Bagley, Drug Trafficking and Organized Crime in the Americas: Major Trends in the Twenty-First Century (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2012).

  29. 29.

    June S. Beittel, Mexico: Organized Crime and Drug Trafficking Organizations (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2019).

  30. 30.

    Patrick Corcoran, “Mexico Has 80 Drug Cartels: Attorney General,” InSight Crime, December 20, 2012, https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/mexico-has-80-drug-cartels-attorney-general/, accessed May 15, 2020.

  31. 31.

    June S. Beittel, Mexico’s Drug Trafficking Organizations: Source and Scope of the Violence (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2013); Eduardo Guerrero-Gutiérrez, Security, Drugs, and Violence in Mexico: A Survey, 7th North American Forum, Washington, DC, 2011.

  32. 32.

    Eduardo Guerrero-Gutiérrez, Security Drugs, and Violence in Mexico: A Survey (Washington, DC: 7th North American Forum, 2011).

  33. 33.

    “Sinaloa Cartel,” InSight Crime; for more, see: Bruce. Bagley, “Carteles de la droga: de Medellín a Sinaloa,” Criterios 4, no. 1 (2011): pp. 233–247; Rafael Saldívar Arreola and Ignacio Rodríguez Sánchez, “La operación del cártel de Sinaloa y la transformación de la narcolengua en el noroeste de México,” Dialectologia: revista electrònica 22 (2019): pp. 115–132; Russell Crandall, “Democracy and the Mexican Cartels,” Survival 56, no. 3 (2014): pp. 233–244; Sam Logan, “Narco-networks in the americas,” Americas Quarterly 4, no. 2 (2010): p. 66.

  34. 34.

    Quoted in “‘Narconomics’: How The Drug Cartels Operate Like Wal-Mart And McDonald’s,” NPR, February 15, 2016; Tom Wainwright, Narconomics: How to Run a Drug Cartel (New York, NY: PublicAffairs, 2016); see also: Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, Los Zetas Inc.: Criminal Corporations, Energy, and Civil War in Mexico (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2017).

  35. 35.

    “Sinaloa Cartel,” InSight Crime; see also: Malcolm. Beith, “A broken Mexico: allegations of collusion between the Sinaloa cartel and Mexican political parties,” Small Wars & Insurgencies 22, no. 5 (2011): pp. 787–806; Tessa Vinson, “The Sinaloa Cartel: A Study in the Dynamics of Power,” Monitor Journal 14, no. 2 (2009): pp. 39–53.

  36. 36.

    Quoted in Department of Justice U.S. Attorney’s Office Eastern District of New York, “Former Mexican Secretary of Public Security Arrested for Drug-Trafficking Conspiracy and Making False Statements,” Department of Justice, December 10, 2019.

  37. 37.

    Department of Justice U.S. Attorney’s Office Eastern District of New York, “Former Mexican Secretary of Public Security Arrested for Drug-Trafficking Conspiracy and Making False Statements.”

  38. 38.

    Quoted in “Mexico: Over 90% of Those Killed in Drug War Are Criminals,” Latin American Herald Tribune, http://laht.com/article.asp?ArticleId=355578&CategoryId=10718, accessed May 15, 2020; Gobierno de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, 6to Informe de gobierno 2017–2018 (México: Gobierno de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, 2018).

  39. 39.

    Kimberly Heinle, Octavio Rodríguez Ferreira, and David A. Shirk, Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2013 (San Diego, CA: Justice in Mexico Project at University of San Diego, 2014); Justice in Mexico, Memoria dataset.

  40. 40.

    For more, see: Julien Mercille, “Violent narco-cartels or US hegemony? The political economy of the ‘war on drugs’ in Mexico,” Third World Quarterly 32, no. 9 (2011): pp. 1637–1653; Howard Campbell and Tobin Hansen, “Is Narco-Violence in Mexico Terrorism?” Bulletin of Latin American Research 33, no. 2 (2014): pp. 158–173; Peter Reuter, “Systemic violence in drug markets,” Crime, Law and Social Change 52, no. 3 (2009): pp. 275–284; David Shirk and Joel Wallman, “Understanding Mexico’s drug violence,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 59, no. 8 (2015): pp. 1348–1376; Paul Gootenberg, “Blowback: the Mexican drug crisis,” NACLA Report on the Americas 43, no. 6 (2010): pp. 7–12.

  41. 41.

    For more, see: Jonathan D. Rosen and Roberto Zepeda, Organized Crime, Drug Trafficking, and Violence in Mexico: The Transition from Felipe Calderón to Enrique Peña Nieto (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2016).

  42. 42.

    Victoria Dittmar, “The Mexico Crime Bosses Peña Nieto’s Government Toppled,” InSight Crime, September 24, 2018, https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/mexico-crime-bosses-pena-nietos-government-toppled/, accessed May 15, 2020.

  43. 43.

    Alberto Lozano-Vázquez and Jorge Rebolledo Flores, “In Search of the Mérida Initiative: From Antecedents to Practical Results,” Drug Trafficking, Organized Crime, and Violence in the Americas Today, eds. Bruce M. Bagley and Jonathan D. Rosen (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2015): pp. 239–256.

  44. 44.

    Anna Grace, “10 Years of the Mérida Initiative: Violence and Corruption,” InSight Crime, December 26, 2018, https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/merida-initiative-failings-violence-corruption/, accessed May 15, 2020, p. 3.

  45. 45.

    Isaí T. Lara Bermúdez, “Hubo más ejecuciones con Enrique Peña Nieto que con Felipe Calderón,” Proceso, December 5, 2018.

  46. 46.

    Quoted in Kirk Semple, “Missing Mexican Students Suffered a Night of ‘Terror,’ Investigators Say,” The New York Times, April 24, 2016.

  47. 47.

    “Guerreros Unidos,” InSight Crime, April 8, 2015, https://www.insightcrime.org/mexico-organized-crime-news/guerreros-unidos-mexico/, accessed May 20, 2020.

  48. 48.

    Interview at National Public Radio (NPR), “What Happened To Mexico’s Missing 43 Students In ‘A Massacre In Mexico,’” NPR, October 21, 2018.

  49. 49.

    Randal C. Archibold, “Investigators in Mexico Detain Mayor and His Wife Over Missing Students,” The New York Times, November 4, 2014.

  50. 50.

    Maureen Meyer and Gina Hinojosa, “Five Years On, Still No Justice for Mexico’s 43 Disappeared Ayotzinapa Students,” Washington Office on Latin America, September 24, 2019, https://www.wola.org/analysis/five-year-anniversary-ayotzinapa-mexico/, accessed May 20, 2020; Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), “How a New Report Challenges Mexico’s ‘Official Version’ of the Case of 43 Disappeared Students,” WOLA, September 9, 2015, https://www.wola.org/analysis/how-a-new-report-challenges-mexicos-official-version-of-the-case-of-43-disappeared-students/, accessed May 20, 2020.

  51. 51.

    Quoted in Reuters, “U.N. accuses Mexico of torture, cover-up in case of 43 missing students,” Reuters, March 15, 2018.

  52. 52.

    Maureen Meyer and Gina Hinojosa, “Five Years On, Still No Justice for Mexico’s 43 Disappeared Ayotzinapa Students.”

  53. 53.

    Quoted in Marina Franco, “Five Years Ago, 43 Students Vanished. The Mystery, and the Pain, Remain,” The New York Times, Sept. 26, 2019.

  54. 54.

    Marina Franco, “Five Years Ago, 43 Students Vanished. The Mystery, and the Pain, Remain.”

  55. 55.

    Randal C. Archibold and Ginger Thompson, “El Chapo, Most-Wanted Drug Lord, Is Captured in Mexico,” The New York Times, February 22, 2014.

  56. 56.

    Alan Feuer, “El Chapo, Accused Drug Lord, Questions Legality of His Extradition From Mexico,” The New York Times, August 3, 2017.

  57. 57.

    Alan Feuer, “El Chapo, Accused Drug Lord, Questions Legality of His Extradition From Mexico,” The New York Times, July 12, 2015.

  58. 58.

    Alan Feuer, “El Chapo, Accused Drug Lord, Questions Legality of His Extradition From Mexico.”

  59. 59.

    Azam Ahmed, “El Chapo, Escaped Mexican Drug Lord, Is Recaptured in Gun Battle,” The New York Times, January 8, 2016.

  60. 60.

    Azam Ahmed, “El Chapo, Escaped Mexican Drug Lord, Is Recaptured in Gun Battle;” Mike LaSusa and Parker Asmann, “Did Sean Penn’s Meeting With El Chapo Help Authorities Track Down the Kingpin?” InSight Crime, November 8, 2017.

  61. 61.

    Azam Ahmed, “El Chapo, Mexican Drug Kingpin, Is Extradited to U.S.,” The New York Times, January 19, 2017.

  62. 62.

    Emily Palmer and Alan Feuer, “El Chapo Trial: The 11 Biggest Revelations From the Case,” The New York Times, February 3, 2019.

  63. 63.

    José Reyez, “Calderón convirtió al país en un cementerio: AMLO,” Contralinea, August 29, 2019; Humberto Beck, Carlos Bravo Regidor, and Patrick Iber, “Year One of AMLO’s Mexico,” Dissent 67, no. 1 (2020): pp. 109–118.

  64. 64.

    Quoted in David Agren, “Fury as Mexico presidential candidate pitches amnesty for drug cartel kingpins,” The Guardian, December 4, 2017.

  65. 65.

    Vanda Felbab-Brown, “Should Mexico revive the idea of amnesty for criminals,” Brookings, March 2, 2020, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2020/03/02/should-mexico-revive-the-idea-of-amnesty-for-criminals/, accessed May 20, 2020, p. 2.

  66. 66.

    Clare Ribando Seelke, Mexico: Background and U.S. Relations (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2020); data from Mexican Chamber of Deputies, Mexican Senate.

  67. 67.

    Maureen Meyer, “Mexico’s Proposed National Guard Would Solidify the Militarization of Public Security,” Washington Office on Latin America, January 10, 2019, https://www.wola.org/analysis/mexico-national-guard-military-abuses/, accessed May 20, 2020, p. 1.

  68. 68.

    Quoted in Azam Ahmed, “The Stunning Escape of El Chapo’s Son: It’s Like ‘a Bad Netflix Show,’” The New York Times, October 18, 2019.

  69. 69.

    Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), 2019: National Drug Threat Assessment (Springfield, VA: DEA, 2019).

  70. 70.

    For more, see: Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), 2019: National Drug Threat Assessment (Springfield, VA: DEA, 2019).

  71. 71.

    James Fredrick, “On The Hunt For Poppies In Mexico—America’s Biggest Heroin Supplier,” NPR, January 14, 2018.

  72. 72.

    Quoted in James Fredrick, “On The Hunt For Poppies In Mexico—America’s Biggest Heroin Supplier.”

  73. 73.

    Quoted in The Guardian, “US fentanyl crisis could end opium era in Mexico: ‘the only crop that paid,’” The Guardian, May 2, 2019.

  74. 74.

    Quoted in James Fredrick, “On The Hunt For Poppies In Mexico—America’s Biggest Heroin Supplier.”

  75. 75.

    I had the honor of participating in this event.

  76. 76.

    Deborah Bonello, “Guerrero, Mexico Can’t Confront Organized Crime: State Attorney General,” InSight Crime, March 27, 2017, https://www.insightcrime.org/news/brief/guerreromexico-cant-confront-organized-crime-state-attorney-general/, accessed May 23, 2020, p. 1.

  77. 77.

    International Crisis Group, Mexico’s Everyday War: Guerrero and the Trials of Peace (Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2020), p. 31.

  78. 78.

    Victoria Dittmar, “Mexico Cartels Hand Out Food Amid Coronavirus Pandemic,” InSight Crime, April 28, 2020, https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/mexico-cartels-hand-out-food-coronavirus-pandemic/, accessed May 23, 2020; “CJNG reparte despensas para ayudar a familias en tiempos del coronavirus,” La Opinión, April 15, 2020; Juan Alberto Cedillo, “El Cartel del Golfo reparte despensas en Tamaulipas por covid-19,” Proceso, April 6, 2020.

  79. 79.

    Quoted in Victoria Dittmar, “Mexico Cartels Hand Out Food Amid Coronavirus Pandemic.”

  80. 80.

    See “Corruption Perceptions Index,” Transparency International, https://www.transparency.org/en/countries/mexico, accessed July 16, 2020.

  81. 81.

    James Bargent, “Mexico Impunity Levels Reach 99%: Study,” InSight Crime, February 4, 2016, https://www.insightcrime.org/news/brief/mexico-impunity-levels-reach-99-study/, accessed May 25, 2020; Juan Antonio Le Clercq Ortega and Gerardo Rodríguez Sánchez Lara, Global Impunity Index Mexico 2016 (Puebla, MX: Universidad de las Américas Puebla, 2016).

  82. 82.

    For more, see: Isaí T. Lara Bermúdez, “Hubo más ejecuciones con Enrique Peña Nieto que con Felipe Calderón,” Proceso, December 5, 2018.

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    Jonathan D. Rosen

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Rosen, J.D. (2021). Drug Trafficking and Organized Crime in Mexico. In: The U.S. War on Drugs at Home and Abroad. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71734-6_3

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