Abstract
Global law is said to be the paradigmatic case for a law beyond democracies because it transcends the veil of the national state. At the same time, this transcendence initiates a search for adequate representations of legitimacy beyond the relatively stable frame of sovereignty. In legal and philosophical discussions on the legitimacy conceptions for a new global order, the concept of “democracy” takes a central place. Yet, this raises the question how are we able to conceptualize democracy without the clear territorial frontiers that the national state had to offer. This article surveys of the use of democratic vocabulary in theoretical sketches of global law. It aims to show that in these debates there is no clear unified concept of democracy. Rather, it argues that all uses of democratic vocabulary in the law beyond the state exhibit certain “blind spots” which render it difficult to associate the use of the term democracy with the qualified term in the political theory of the nation state.
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Notes
- 1.
This contribution draws on Roth-Isigkeit (2018), Chapters 3 and 4.
- 2.
Habermas (2001), p. 5.
- 3.
See in particular Habermas (1998), Chapter 3.
- 4.
Habermas (1998), p. 123.
- 5.
Habermas (1998), pp. 121–123.
- 6.
See Habermas (2006), pp. 123–125. Habermas understands his reconstruction of the co-originality of popular sovereignty and the rule of law as a combination of Kant’s and Rousseau’s political theory.
- 7.
Habermas (2006), p. 127.
- 8.
Habermas (2006), p. 124.
- 9.
Habermas (2015), p. 54.
- 10.
Habermas (1998), p. 228.
- 11.
Habermas (2015), p. 55.
- 12.
Habermas (2015), p. 55.
- 13.
Habermas (2015), p. 56.
- 14.
Habermas (2015), p. 56.
- 15.
Habermas’ institutional visions have developed significantly since he started theorizing about world order. In order to present his thoughts in the best way possible, this reconstruction refers to his latest works.
- 16.
Habermas (2013), p. 59.
- 17.
Habermas (2013), pp. 60–61.
- 18.
Habermas (2013), p. 61.
- 19.
Habermas (2013), p. 61.
- 20.
Habermas (2013), pp. 63-64.
- 21.
See, for an introduction to the discussion, Patberg (2013), p. 224.
- 22.
Günther (2008), pp. 16–17.
- 23.
Günther (2008), p. 16.
- 24.
Günther (2008), p. 18.
- 25.
- 26.
Günther (2008), p. 19.
- 27.
Günther (2008), p. 20.
- 28.
Pulkowski (2014), pp. 238–239.
- 29.
Pulkowski (2014), pp. 238–239.
- 30.
Pulkowski discusses this as reference to the lifeworld. See Pulkowski (2014), p. 258.
- 31.
Pulkowski (2014), p. 261.
- 32.
Pulkowski (2014), p. 265.
- 33.
Pulkowski (2014), p. 270.
- 34.
Günther (2008), p. 17.
- 35.
- 36.
Kingsbury and Krisch (2006), p. 1.
- 37.
GAL distinguishes between two general types of administrative action, constititutive and substantive. Sometimes the category of procedural law is added. See, Kingsbury (2009), p. 34. The first type, constitutive administrative law, concerns the delegation of power to administrative bodies and their internal structure. GAL counts these constitutive rules, that in most jurisdiction would count as constitutional law in the narrow sense, to a body of emerging administrative law. The primary advantage of GAL is the capacity to address the second type of global administrative action, which they define as substantive. This type refers to the output of global administration, which can be understood in general terms as producing norms and decisions. Both types have external effects on other global administrative entities, states or individuals, which have to be legitimated through the administrative process.
- 38.
Kingsbury and Krisch (2006), pp. 4–5.
- 39.
Kingsbury (2009), pp. 32–33.
- 40.
Kingsbury (2009), p. 30.
- 41.
- 42.
Von Bogdandy and Venzke (2014), p. 9.
- 43.
Von Bogdandy and Venzke (2014), p. 112.
- 44.
See, for example, Muir Watt (2011), p. 347.
- 45.
See von Bogdandy et al. (2008), p. 1383.
- 46.
Von Bogdandy and Venzke (2014), pp. 135–136.
- 47.
Von Bogdandy and Venzke (2014), pp. 157–158.
- 48.
Von Bogdandy and Venzke (2014), p. 147.
- 49.
Von Bogdandy and Venzke (2014), p. 146.
- 50.
Von Bogdandy and Venzke (2014), p. 19.
- 51.
Kingsbury (2009), p. 35.
- 52.
Kingsbury (2009), p. 36.
- 53.
Krisch (2010), p. 245.
- 54.
Fischer-Lescano (2005), pp. 68–71.
- 55.
Fischer-Lescano (2005), pp. 31–32.
- 56.
See, Arditti (1999), p. 50.
- 57.
Teubner (2012), p. 63.
- 58.
Teubner (2012), p. 63.
- 59.
Fischer-Lescano (2005), p. 276, my translation [“Will das Weltrecht mehr sein, will es nicht zwischen Apology und Utopia oszillieren, dann muss es seine Politisierung zum Anlass nehmen zwischen colère publique und colère politique die richtigen Entscheidungen zu treffen. Es muss sich seine Unabhängigkeit erkämpfen…”].
- 60.
Hardt and Negri (2000), p. 190.
- 61.
Hardt and Negri (2000), p. xii.
- 62.
Hardt and Negri (2000), p. 268.
- 63.
Mouffe (2013), p. 19.
- 64.
Laclau and Mouffe (2001), p. 119.
- 65.
Laclau and Mouffe (2001), p. 127.
- 66.
Laclau and Mouffe (2001), p. 163.
- 67.
Becker (2014), p. 170.
- 68.
Abensour (2012), p. 152, my translation.
- 69.
Laclau and Mouffe (2001), p. 167.
- 70.
In Agonistics (2013), p. 5–9, Mouffe suggests a comprehensive theory of such constructive non-institutional treatment of disagreement.
- 71.
Rancière (2002), p. 46.
- 72.
See also Becker (2014), p. 181.
- 73.
- 74.
Mouffe (2013), p. 23.
- 75.
See Roth-Isigkeit (2016), pp. 251–253.
- 76.
Kant (1995), p. 565 (B 672).
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Roth-Isigkeit, D. (2021). From Formal to Radical: Tracing the Democratic Argument in Global Law. In: Sieber-Gasser, C., Ghibellini, A. (eds) Democracy and Globalization. Economic Analysis of Law in European Legal Scholarship, vol 10. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69154-7_3
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