Abstract
This chapter examines change in Italian foreign policy since the end of the Cold War and its drivers. The most fundamental alteration during this period concerns the area of security and defense. Italy abandoned its reluctance to send its troops abroad and participated to a remarkable number of military interventions, including those in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. In our opinion, shifts in both international and domestic politics are the crucial explanatory factors. The alternation between center-left and center-right cabinets is instead at the basis of a tension between multilateralism and bilateralism. While the center-left showed stronger commitment to integration in the European Union (EU), center-right cabinets privileged relationships with the United States and other key partners outside the continent. The 2011 debt crisis had major repercussions on Italian foreign policy. Budget cuts forced security policy to focus mainly on the strategic area of the Mediterranean. Furthermore, political parties followed public opinion in expressing growing discontent toward the EU institutions.
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Notes
- 1.
One of the authors has been involved as “expert” in meetings and workshops aimed at preparing the draft of both the latest Ministero della Difesa (2015) and the reform (law n.125 2014) of the development cooperation.
- 2.
See on this point Ignazi et al. (2012). The limited military operations undertaken during the Cold War (e.g., Lebanon) were exceptions that did not escape from the strict bipolar constraints. For a detailed analysis see Calossi et al. (2013).
- 3.
- 4.
Speech by the then President of the Republic, Giorgio Napolitano, quoted in Coticchia and Moro (2015, p. 16).
- 5.
On the evolution of Italian party system, see, among others, D’Alimonte and Bartolini (1997).
- 6.
Interview with the then Minister of Defense Roberta Pinotti, Genova, May 2018.
- 7.
As stated by the Ministero della Difesa (2002), the New Italian Defense Model should have been adapted specifically to address those new “multidimensional threats” to national security.
- 8.
For a different perspective see the analyses provided by Osservatorio Milex.
- 9.
Authors’ interview with an anonymous high-ranking official at the Ministry of Defense, April 2019.
- 10.
Alongside, other reforms were adopted (e.g., Law 25/1997 modified the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Carabinieri became the fourth service, etc.).
- 11.
For a detailed analysis with the figure related to such (failed attempt) see: IV Commissione, “I temi dell’attività parlamentare nella XVII legislatura”, 2018.
- 12.
Authors’ interview with an anonymous high-ranking official at the Ministry of Defense, April 2019.
- 13.
Authors’ interview with the then Minister of Defense Roberta Pinotti, Genova, May 2018.
- 14.
For decades Italy did not have an established procedure, and thus the parliament played a marginal role in controlling the executive on missions abroad (as well as on other defense and security issues, like procurement. Such limited parliamentary oversight allowed a huge autonomy for the Italian governments, which did not incur in transaction and audience costs in front of a public opinion almost constantly against military operations abroad (Battistelli et al., 2012). Moreover, the narrative of the “peace missions” granted a superficial bipartisan support, avoiding political contestation (Ignazi et al., 2012; Coticchia and Catanzaro 2017).
- 15.
Authors’ interview with an anonymous Director of an Italian defense journal, September 2018.
- 16.
Authors’ interview with an anonymous high-ranking official at the Ministry of Defense, April 2019.
- 17.
Authors’ interview with the Director of Agency for Peacebuilding, 4 September 2019.
- 18.
It is worth noticing that a considerable percentage of that percentage was devoted to the expenses related to the (domestic) management of refugees. The post-2017 decrease of funds is related to the sharp reduction of expenses attaining at the management of migrants and refugees.
- 19.
See Italian Ministry of Economy and Finance, Documento di economia e finanza 2019. Programma di stabilità dell’Italia, 9 April 2019.
- 20.
Authors’ interview with the Director of Agency for Peacebuilding, 4 September 2019.
- 21.
Authors’ interview with the former President of Oxfam Italy, 6 September 2019.
- 22.
Ibid.
- 23.
Authors’ interview with the former President of Oxfam Italy, 6 September 2019.
- 24.
Authors’ interview with the Director of Agency for Peacebuilding, 4 September 2019.
- 25.
Authors’ interview with the former President of Oxfam Italy, 6 September 2019.
- 26.
Authors’ elaboration on the basis on official reports of member states’ contribution to UN regular budget (1995–2019).
- 27.
Data from the website of UN peacekeeping operations.
- 28.
A group of states called “Uniting for Consensus” (UFC) successfully opposed the reform that aimed to expand the UN Security Council. Italy, which led the UFC, specifically contrasted the German aspiration of becoming a new permanent member of the Council.
- 29.
Data from the World Bank. https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/Country/ITA/Year/2017/TradeFlow/Export/Partner/by-country
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Coticchia, F., Vignoli, V. (2021). Italian Foreign Policy: Still the Days Seem the Same?. In: Joly, J.K., Haesebrouck, T. (eds) Foreign Policy Change in Europe Since 1991. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68218-7_8
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