Abstract
Sometimes, human processes have a tendency to accelerate, a fact which induces unavoidable asymmetries, since the changes usually occur on different scales, in different moments and in different spaces: it is the situation which typically characterizes modernity and which, originally induced by a set of practical and technological changes, would soon exert further effects on many dimensions of the geographical reality. Colonial expansionism, and further modernist changes, would represent the major aspects of such processes, involving and affecting almost the whole world. Russian colonialism and then Soviet domination represented the main actors of these epochal changes in the CA. However, after three-quarters of a century, the Soviet empire also collapsed, leaving local populations and institutions without any reference for territorial and social organization or for cultural elaborations either. In fact, Russian and Soviet domination penetrated deep into the local cultures, so any impact, either material or immaterial, from the collapse would continue to exert an effect for an extended period.
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Notes
- 1.
Lentz W., 1933.
- 2.
Marvin Harris, 1971; the geographical knowledge demonstrated soon to be an instrument for political expansion.
- 3.
Also for looking to roots of their own religion, intending the Christian religion as originally an oriental one; then, possibly looking for ancient legendary Christian communities, like the Nestorian ones, lost in the Orient since time immemorial; see the legend of Prete Gianni, “presbyter Johannes”; in the centuries, pilgrims, missionaries and Enlighteners were followed by colonial armies and representatives of organized nineteenth century states, preparing the road for masses of migrants arriving with mechanized transport (rail, ship); Marvin Harris, 1971; Wessels G., 1992; Meloni Alberto, 2017; Jelen Igor, 2002.
- 4.
The Taiga southern limits approximately correspond to current Russian-Kazak-Mongolian border, which may be considered a natural but also cultural discontinuity between nomads and sedentary.
- 5.
In some cases, deportation in such areas would become, rather than a punishment, the concession of a further possibility, what in Russian literature may be interpreted as a “redemption”; see also Rossi Marina, 1997.
- 6.
- 7.
Namely the Russian ‘linija’, Barisitz Stephan, 2017.
- 8.
Von Humboldt A., 1975.
- 9.
- 10.
As said, after a history of military non-success which had occurred in the previous centuries.
- 11.
- 12.
Khazanov A. M., 1994; an ideological manoeuvre, ethically and scientifically not tolerable, as it is possible to state today retrospectively.
- 13.
- 14.
Barisitz Stephan, 2017.
- 15.
Jelen Igor, 2012.
- 16.
- 17.
Barisitz Stephan, 2017.
- 18.
- 19.
see the figure of the “pristan” the Russian authorities adopted to stabilize their influence in the wide borderless territory of the steppe, Sultangalieva Gulmira, 2014:63.
- 20.
Barisitz Stephan, 2017.
- 21.
Significatively, Zhetysu in colonial time was named with the Russian calques Semirechye, “land of the 7 rivers”.
- 22.
Reid Patryk, 2017.
- 23.
Barisitz Stephan, 2017.
- 24.
Burri Ezio, Del Bon Andrea, Ferrari Angelo, Ragni Pietro, 2018.
- 25.
The prohibition to visit the bazaars was an especially severe instrument used eventually the by local Kahn, in precolonial times, towards the surrounding nomad populations.
- 26.
Shahrani M. N. M., 1979.
- 27.
During the “basmaci” rebellion many Kyrgyz groups moved to China, following trails that they had always been accustomed to running; but then they found themselves divided by borders that in the new century would became hermetic closed frontiers; Shahrani M. N. M., 1979; see as well Ferrando Olivier, 2013:46, note 7; Sodiqov Alexander, 2013:49.
- 28.
Barisitz Stephan, 2017.
- 29.
But different version and descriptions; Buttino Marco, 2003.
- 30.
Buttino Marco, 2003.
- 31.
as said, the main protagonist of the same revolution was a minority of modernized proletarians, that had effective control of the key industrial technique: a political mistake indeed made by the elite at the time as they left control of such vast power in the hands of this minority; indeed none at that time could have had any idea of the power the new technology would exert.
- 32.
then pan-nationalistic ideologies echoing the nineteenth century “spring of peoples” movements, Silvestri Tommaso, 2015–2016:26.
- 33.
- 34.
Hambly G. (a cura di), 1970:197.
- 35.
Buttino Marco, 2003.
- 36.
- 37.
Even when not foreseen originally by the theory, since Marx predicted that communism would realize in an industrialized advanced country, not really in a feudal-age colony.
- 38.
Jelen Igor 2002, interviews.
- 39.
Hughes Thomas P., 2004; a kind of state-capitalism indeed.
- 40.
Dagiev Dagikhudo, 2014:16.
- 41.
Cosentino Italo, 2017.
- 42.
- 43.
Reid Patryk, 2017.
- 44.
- 45.
Paskaleva Elena, 2015:420.
- 46.
- 47.
Reid Patryk, 2017.
- 48.
As in Vaksh River Valley in South Tajikistan agro industrial complex, Reid Patryk, 2017.
- 49.
- 50.
- 51.
Cosentino Italo, 2017; local language and dialect differentiation is to be considered essentially as a relic of pre-modern “longue durée” times, previous to national standardization.
- 52.
Dagiev Dagikhudo, 2014:16.
- 53.
It is to consider the fact that Russian also became the language of the international communist movement in those years, with many ideologists arriving in SU, also as refugees from the domestic persecutions, undertaking a political apprentice.
- 54.
- 55.
Even when not explicitly declared, it was manifest in many aspects of political practices; the Second Asian-African Writers’ Conference was held in October 1958 in Tashkent in Central Asia, programming anti-colonialist initiatives; see as well Kanet Roger E., 2006.
- 56.
Cosentino Italo, 2017.
- 57.
Yilmaz Harun, 2013.
- 58.
- 59.
- 60.
Whether it was directly and deliberately perpetrated by the authorities (often with the significant participation of insiders, since the revolution ideal persuaded a number of natives as well), or it was the side effect of a politics pursuing collectivization, is a matter of discussion; however, it meant a catastrophe for the local population, that in many cases was close to total destruction.
- 61.
- 62.
what in western economies derived eventually from middle class consumerism, defining welfare and prosperity, both individual and public, as goals; and then from the characteristic dynamics originated by open society and by widespread social initiative (beside any possible manipulation).
- 63.
Hughes Thomas P., 2004; the soviets soon learned the functioning of the Fordist principles, extending such policies to the territory, in the whole of society; however, such forced planning was often rather inefficient, above all in CA peripheries, leaving the space for improvisation; see also Reid Patryk, 2017:20.
- 64.
Kudaibergenova Diana T., 2013.
- 65.
Marzhan Thomas, 2015:460.
- 66.
Kanet Roger E., 2006; http://www.blackpast.org/gah/afro-asian-writers-conferences-1958-1979, accessed 22.4.2018; The Second Asian-African Writers’ Conference was held in October 1958 in Tashkent in Central Asia.
- 67.
Defined in Stalin times with the slogan of the “Great Plan for the Transformation of Nature”
- 68.
Akyildiz Sevket, Carlson Richard, edited by, 2013:19.
- 69.
Hughes Thomas P., 2004.
- 70.
- 71.
reflected as well in the narrative of CA writers like the Kyrgyz Cingis Ajtmatov ; writers as in the Russian tradition, had in CA, in Soviet times, a disproportionate role.
- 72.
Black C. E. et alii, 1991:290.
- 73.
Ro’i Yaacov, 1991.
- 74.
The obsession for central planning facilitated and induced such side effects as the proliferation of a shadow economy, small, and then large scale corruption and bribery; systematic stealing at workplaces in part as reaction or adaptation to the inefficiency of the system, in part for alimenting small corruption practices, namely the paying for public duties was a common practice in soviet times; such effects indeed were unavoidable considering the extremely long command “chains” of thepublic organization in Soviet territory, and the overall bureaucratization; Marzhan Thomas, 2015:469; Rasanayagam Johan, 2014:11; Jelen Igor, 2002; this was the obvious consequence of the absence of an internal suitable organization of controls based on the separation of duties, but also the consequence of a conceptual uncertainty in the definition of property, the limit between “private” and “public” categories being “de facto” non-existent.
- 75.
Krasnov G.A., 1987.
- 76.
With the exception of few French sociologists, Emanuel Todd and Carrère D’Encausse, whose hypotheses were based substantially on demographic projections, rather than on structural or political interpretations; Carrère D’Encausse H., 1978; and of and some narrative writers like Le Carré; see as well Shabad T., 1980.
- 77.
Indeed, the successive evolutions – as will emerge later - will refute such scenery, with the demographic rate by the native population, which boomed in the ‘70ies, then rather soon decelerating.
- 78.
- 79.
Ro’i Yaacov, 1991.
- 80.
Marzhan Thomas, 2015:460.
- 81.
- 82.
Then starting a kind of “war of the kolkhozes”; Heathershaw John, Herzig Edmund, 2013, p.8, citing Roy 2000; the mountain remote populations were possibly more exposed to risks of scarcity, being more dependent on the public deliveries because of environmentally extreme conditions.
- 83.
- 84.
- 85.
- 86.
Ro’i Yaacov, 1991.
- 87.
Ro’i Yaacov, 1991.
- 88.
Then further alimented by factors originated “inside” the conflicts, Jelen I, 2012:551.
- 89.
McMahon Robert, 2005; indeed a “chain reaction”, with un-stabilities feeding in on themselves, Rotar Igor, 2006; World Report 2015: Uzbekistan, Events of 2014, https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2015/country-chapters/uzbekistan, accessed 23.4.2018.
- 90.
In 2010, another “revolution” emerged (“April revolution”), originally similar to a street protest (possibly carried out by an organized minority), but soon reaching the political threshold. In the same years, further tragic riots spread in Fergana, Kyrgyz side, with clashes between majority and ethnical Uzbeks, and further minorities, with refugees estimated in the hundreds of thousands between internally displaced and refugees seeking to flee crossing the border to Uzbekistan. In this case, the riots were connected to the context of both, nation- and local rivalries, of retaliations and provocations that characterize this ethnically mixed area, divided by incoherent borderlines – indeed a legacy of the soviet past. The unrest was, as informed independent UNO observers, “orchestrated, targeted and well-planned”, Najibullah Farangis, 2010; indeed, such conflicts evidence a preoccupying potential for diffusion (in a kind of imitation effect), feeding (alimenting) indefinitely, and also multiplying the tensions, spreading into politically sensitive border areas.
- 91.
Possibly because Uzbekistan had just stepped out of the SCO, the geostrategic “umbrella” especially established to regulate such situations.
- 92.
- 93.
Klüter Helmut, 1993.
- 94.
- 95.
- 96.
- 97.
Indeed, it seems the obtainment of a dual citizenship or at least of a permanent visa is often a major motivation of such migrations’ application; see as well Klüter Helmut, 1993.
- 98.
The path towards independence in these confused years was not so linear; the referendum in March 1991 saw 88.7% of voters approving a proposal of preserving the Soviet federation, even when in a “renewed form”; in December of the same year, after the independence proclamation, the referendum had given as result the 99% of votes favourable for independence; for a while – and to some extent even today -, the major element of uncertainness for CA systems was to trace the situation in Russia; this especially in occasion of the attempted “August putsch” (1991), that contributed decisively to the ending of the SU, with the consequent foundation of the CIS and the acquisition of independency by the side of CA republics.
- 99.
- 100.
As said, in Carrère D’Encausse H., 1978.
- 101.
Brill Olcott Martha, 2012:40 fs.; even when the Iranian revolution can be interpreted as the long term “choc de retour” generated by excessive and rapid modernization, considering the dramatic gaps arising between the rural and urban, secularism and religion and others such contrapositions.
- 102.
This process has usually been defined as legitimate, following the assumption that, in the absence of further elements, the administrative borders – in the frame of a federal state - can be adapted as political borders, consequently to the change of the power qualification, from the administrative level to sovereign-political one. Consequently, with a change of scale, the administrative local elite become the government of the successor state; Necati Polat, 2002.
- 103.
This situation would last for a while; yet in in 2011, 2/3 of Turkmen gas was delivered through the Russian state-owned Gazprom pipelines network, Anceschi Luca, 2017; see as well http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/5314940.stm, 5 September 2006, accessed 22.4.2018,“Russia reaches Turkmen gas deal”; but today this figure is rapidly becoming obsolete, since the “stans” could diversify on different markets, geopolitically leveraging eventually on China, or other contiguous countries.
- 104.
Haghayeghi Mehrdad, 1997.
- 105.
Babajanian Babken, 2015:514; current literature insists on such definitions as patrimonialism, sultanism and similars, however geography scholars had already defined such situations with categories as “organicism”, “oriental despotism” or “geo-determinism”, applying such concepts in different occasions; see Heathershaw John, Herzig Edmund, 2013:31.
- 106.
Then the consumptions of such industries in terms of environmental-natural and energetic resources, including soil and landscape, that in densely settled areas would probably mean much higher costs.
- 107.
Brill Olcott Martha, 2012.
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Jelen, I., Bučienė, A., Chiavon, F., Silvestri, T., Forrest, K.L. (2020). Modern Era and Modernization Processes Until the Soviet Collapse. In: The Geography of Central Asia. World Regional Geography Book Series. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61266-5_8
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