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Political Geography and Geopolitics

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The Geography of Central Asia

Part of the book series: World Regional Geography Book Series ((WRGBS))

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Abstract

The populations, in order to acquire a better degree of organization, aim at giving shape to the processes which characterize their life; they establish borders and further territorial elements, in order to give continuity to their actions, creating nations, states, infrastructures, regulations and whatever may be useful to stabilize a certain political configuration. Unfortunately, the geopolitical containers they use may have become obsolete—since reality continuously changes—making territorial states something to be considered as imperfect in principle. Therefore, societies are forced to pursue some new kind of dialogue continuously, on all levels, inside the sovereign state, transversally and internationally, in order to find a solution for problems which are ongoing and, which would otherwise be impossible to solve.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Barisitz Stephan 2018; Carile Alessando 2018; Silvestri Tommaso et al. 2018; Comai Giorgio and Sofie Bedford 2018; Jelen Igor 2002; Megoran Nick 2017; Damiani Isabella 2013.

  2. 2.

    Julien Thorez 2008; Necati Polat 2002; Megoran Nick 2017; Dagiev Dagikhudo 2014; Brill Olcott Martha 2012; Thorez Julien 2018.

  3. 3.

    Julien Thorez 2008; Necati Polat 2002; Megoran Nick 2017:114fs.

  4. 4.

    Megoran Nick 2017.

  5. 5.

    Tajikistan, Uzbekistan reportedly reach border settlement: Tajiks are angered by reports that the government is giving away a gold mine. 5 November 5, 2019, https://eurasianet.org/tajikistan-uzbekistan-reportedly-reach-border-settlement, accessed Dec. 5, 2019.

  6. 6.

    Dagiev Dagikhudo 2014; Megoran Nick 2017.

  7. 7.

    Necati Polat 2002; Thorez Julien 2008; Wikipedia, Central Asia.

  8. 8.

    Shahrani 1979.

  9. 9.

    “In 2011, Tajikistan ratified a 1999 deal to cede 1000 km2 (390 sq mi) of land in the Pamir Mountains to the People’s Republic of China, ending a 130-year dispute, and the relinquishing of China’s claims to over 28,000 km2 (11,000 sq mi) of Tajikistani territory; “Tajikistan cedes land to China”. BBC News. 13 January 2011; “China’s area increases by 1000 sq km”. Times of India. 12 January 2011.

  10. 10.

    Necati Polat 2002; Thorez Julien 2008.

  11. 11.

    Megoran Nick 2017:107.

  12. 12.

    Fincantieri, Singapore, 18th August 2016, presse communiqué reporting Kazakh National Maritime (Kazmortransflot, KMTF) procured to Fincantieri 3 naval units, which may change its impact and role, as well as the strategic balance on this sea.

  13. 13.

    http://www.mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/news/-/asset_publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/3103635, accessed 23.4.2018, 1 March 2018, “Communique of the 50th meeting of the Special Working Group on the development of the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea at the level of deputy foreign ministers of the Caspian littoral states”; then “[P]recisely, to avoid further conflicts and regulate the water in August 2018 the Parties agree to sign the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea [….] Still the situation taking into consideration a strictly legal point of view remains unclear and the last convention doesn’t solve the problem of the legal status of what is called the <Caspian Sea>”, Chiavon 2018.

  14. 14.

    Silvestri Tommaso 2015–2016; Necati Polat 2002; Caspian question seems to function indeed as a kind of “exchange currency” for the whole area, e.g. in negotiations for pipelines or infrastructure planning.

  15. 15.

    As said, the soviet geopolitics, as indeed any totalitarian regime, had the intention of reducing the reality, then also territories and peoples to a set of standard elements, easy to manipulate and arbitrarily re-constructed, namely instrumentally used, as a kind of geopolitical LEGO.

  16. 16.

    As described before, typical as well for CA regimes, that are authoritarian inside but that wanted to appear more pluralist towards the IC.

  17. 17.

    Megoran Nick 2017.

  18. 18.

    Dagiev Dagikhudo 2014; Megoran Nick 2017; Brill Olcott Martha 2012.

  19. 19.

    In order to access international markets, simply water resources for instance, each country needs to cross borders, and this fact configures a set of reciprocities that cannot but induce structural collaboration for pipelines, water and energy, but also for minority rights, visa regulations or communication networks, Thomas Marzhan 2015:467.

  20. 20.

    Megoran Nick 2017; evidently new borders, superimposing a pre-existing integrated reality, are always problematic.

  21. 21.

    Above all, distracting resources that in this stage of their geopolitical life, could be very useful for the NIS, for starting up development and consolidation strategies, possibly alimenting aggressive attitudes.

  22. 22.

    Indeo (manuscript, in press)

  23. 23.

    Carlson Richard 2013:133.

  24. 24.

    Parenti Fabio Massimo and Adda Iacopo 2017.

  25. 25.

    Rotar Igor 2006; Megoran Nick 2017; it is especially the case of the Fergana, but there are in the area many other such critical areas, where the tension could easily escalate; the same politics could be interpreted as a part of a structured strategy, with the aim of maintaining the borderland and the neighbouring states, in a situation of artificial instability, in order not only to gain some advantages from their weakness, but also to justify an internal permanent mobilization, namely a kind of geopolitical blackmailing.

  26. 26.

    Megoran Nick 2017:75.

  27. 27.

    Hessbruegge Jan Arno 2004.

  28. 28.

    De Bonis M., “Russia e Cina: terra in cambio di affari“, Limes, 25/07/08.

  29. 29.

    See Nicklas Norling 4/5/2006; RATS carried out exercises in order to protect from eventual attack to atomic reactor in Tashkent physics nuclear institute; the latest proposals about the revival of the nuclear industry in Uzbekistan, in such a fragile geopolitical context, are disquieting; Uzbekistan 2018.

  30. 30.

    Indeo 2018.

  31. 31.

    Ott Stephanie 2014.

  32. 32.

    Also thanks to this “confidence”, Russia has maintained the attitude of a world power, engaged directly on many world scenarios; this is because of its territorial extension (from Arctic to central Eurasian, from the Atlantic to Pacific ocean, from Black Sea to Middle-Eastern and Far Eastern countries, exposed to many scenarios) and of the imperial heritage (e.g. military prestige, but also the attitude to use force), as well as of its residual influence capability on peripheral areas (eventually leveraging and seconding anti-western Third World attitudes).

  33. 33.

    Dunlop 1994:208.

  34. 34.

    Indeo 2018.

  35. 35.

    It is probable that Chinese activities will assume consistency with time, developing more open forms; major Chinese actors in this area are China National petroleum Corporation CNPC, supported by the ubiquitous China Commercial Bank.

  36. 36.

    Necati Polat 2002.

  37. 37.

    If it were deprived of its continental outback, China would have to re-scale its status of world power.

  38. 38.

    Anceschi 2017.

  39. 39.

    Golnaz Esfandiari 2018.

  40. 40.

    Muminov Ashirbek 2014; Hanks 2016.

  41. 41.

    Rasanayagam Johan 2014:9.

  42. 42.

    Indeo Fabio (manuscript, in press).

  43. 43.

    Indeo Fabio (manuscript, in press); for the special Uzbek case see Hanks 2016:7.

  44. 44.

    Parenti Fabio Massimo and Adda Iacopo 2017:350.

  45. 45.

    Megoran Nick 2017:112; the EU process represents a reference, and even an example for such regional integration politics; in fact, the issues and the lexicon, such organizations recurrently adopt are those originally purposed by EU treaty, such as the necessity of “convergence” and “harmonization” of national (internal) legislations, the freedom of movement for persons, as well for goods, capital and services, the freedom of establishment and others similar expressions.

  46. 46.

    Indeo 2018.

  47. 47.

    Parenti Fabio Massimo and Adda Iacopo 2017, evidences a US-EU-NATO “expansionist process” XIX CT like imperialism; it may appear in these terms in a “zero sum game” scenario especially by non-democratic countries; CSTO does not include China.

  48. 48.

    Intended as a different politics, carried out respectively internally and externally, international politics being assumed per default as chaotic and anarchic, where it prevails the use of the force.

  49. 49.

    Parenti Fabio Massimo and Adda Iacopo 2017:347.

  50. 50.

    The Uzbek government accused western powers of having orchestred the unrest in particular USA and UK; World Report 2015: Uzbekistan, Events of 2014, https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2015/country-chapters/uzbekistan, accessed 23.4.2018.

  51. 51.

    Fazendeiro Bernardo Teles 2015:485; Fumagalli 2007; “Uzbekistan quits Russia-led CSTO military bloc”, 28 June 2012, https://www.rt.com/politics/uzbekistan-quits-pro-russian-bloc-996/, accessed 23.4.2018; Parenti Fabio Massimo and Adda Iacopo 2017:347; Limes n.8/2014.

  52. 52.

    Similarly for further industries dealing with environmental and territorial resources, the necessity of permits to be obtained with the mediation of local governments; it is not only the case of minerals but also of building industry, such as cement, steel, energy production and distribution.

  53. 53.

    Heathershaw John 2013:187; Jelen Igor 2007.

  54. 54.

    Kluczewska Karolina 2017; just in Dushanbe there are 3000 NGOs, and of them about 1000 actives being subsidized by donors from all over the world, although some are forbidden, because accused of interfering in political question, since their action always appear politically biased.

  55. 55.

    They do not necessarily appear as neutral, then mitigating causes that usually aliment the conflicts further, e.g. inside effects like “war entrepreneur” and speculators of any kind, addressing warlords and local gangster; Jelen Igor 2012:551; indeed the same difficulty of vigilance on such fragmented borderlines is by-it-self a cause of uncertainness; Megoran Nick 2017:126.

  56. 56.

    Some situation very sensitive for politics and for popular sentiment, like children’s and orphan protection, http://www.larca.org/, accessed 23.4.2018; Jelen Igor 2007.

  57. 57.

    Jelen Igor 2007.

  58. 58.

    The high number of refugees and displaced persons must be considered, one million (on a population of about 4 million), besides the migrations of any kind affecting the area and the neighbour countries.

  59. 59.

    Author’s interview.

  60. 60.

    Although, as said, the terrorists’ activity in Kabul maintains a dangerous character, and the Taliban seem to be capable of occupying occasionally entire territories in north-eastern Afghan provinces, characterized by prevalent Tajik and Uzbek ethnic populations; in early May 2018 they occupied provinces of Badakhshan contiguous to Tajik border; indeed the Taliban seem today much more difficult to define than in the past, possibly a militia supported by not clear interests; it is to consider that Nov. 9th, 2018, a major sequestration of more than 300 kg of heroin, arriving from Afghanistan, through Iran, was made by Genoan Italian custom, signifying possibly the opening of a further itinerary in such kind of trafficking. Possibly the true question is today the definition of the “taliban” role becoming a kind of “proxy” army, manipulated occasionally by some hidden power.

  61. 61.

    The Associated Press, The New York Times, Aug. 21, 2017, Full Transcript and Video: Trump’s Speech on Afghanistan, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/21/world/asia/trump-speech-afghanistan.html, accessed 23.4.2018; possibly a question evoking disproportionate attention; see as well Specogna 2014.

  62. 62.

    As said, the ban of an opposition religious-inspired party could rise some question about the future of the Peace Agreement, eventually alimenting in those period also the DAESH recrudescence, http://factsanddetails.com/central-asia/Tajikistan/sub8_6d/entry-4889.html, accessed 19.05.2018; http://www.c-r.org/downloads/Accord%2010_15Key%20elements%20of%20the%20Takikstan%20peace%20agreement_2001_ENG.pdf accessed at 19.05.2018; http://factsanddetails.com/central-asia/Tajikistan/sub8_6d/entry-4889.html, accessed at 19.05.2018; Hierman Brent 2017.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Political and Social Sciences, University of Trieste, Trieste, Italy

    Igor Jelen & Tommaso Silvestri

  2. Study Centre of Social Geography and Regional Studies, Klaipėda University, Klaipėda, Lithuania

    Angelija Bučienė

  3. Freelance, independent analyst, Udine, Italy

    Francesco Chiavon

  4. Liceo linguistico, Istituto Gaspare Bertoni, Udine, Italy

    Katie Louise Forrest

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  1. Igor Jelen
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Jelen, I., Bučienė, A., Chiavon, F., Silvestri, T., Forrest, K.L. (2020). Political Geography and Geopolitics. In: The Geography of Central Asia. World Regional Geography Book Series. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61266-5_14

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