Abstract
Presidents in Portugal and Timor-Leste tend not to behave as party agents. Often they do not have party affiliation; when they do, they generally are senior figures who do not hold active responsibilities in their parties. However, the constitution allows for the existence of partisan presidents. After surveying the relations between presidents and governments in the democratic era of both countries, this chapter examines two instances in which presidents have forsaken the expected non-partisan rule and acted either as party agents or in very close association with a given coalition with significant impact on their capacity to act as moderators within the institutional system. The second term in office of Cavaco Silva and the first half of Lu Olo ongoing term are discussed in this chapter.
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Notes
- 1.
It must be stressed that parliamentary investiture is required once a prime minister has been appointed and his cabinet sworn in, as derived from the dual dependency of the government on the president and the parliament stated in both constitutions. However, parliamentary investiture does not require a positive vote of confidence. The prime minister may choose to present a motion of confidence or not. The opposition may likewise propose a vote of rejection or not. In almost every case in Portugal and Timor-Leste there has been no investiture vote (the exceptions being the rejection of the III Constitutional Government of Nobre da Costa in November 1978, in the context of governments of presidential initiative under President Eanes, the XX Constitutional Government of Pedro Passos Coelho and Paulo Portas in November 2015 and VII Constitutional Government of Mari Alkatiri in October 2017 by virtue of rejection motions tabled by the opposition). This mechanism has been considered a major contribution to the possibility of forming minority cabinets. For this reason, the “presidential majority” is by and large a strange concept to the survival of minority cabinets of his broad political family.
- 2.
Another junior partner of the ruling coalition, Frenti-Mudança, did not reach the necessary 4% threshold and did not take any seat.
- 3.
I have contribute several blog posts to “Presidential Power Blog” initiated by the late Robert Elgie, covering the main steps in the evolution of the political situation in Timor-Leste. They are useful for details that have to be omitted in this book.
References
Alkatiri, M. (2014). A exclusão política cria conflitos. In R. G. Feijó (Ed.), O Semi-presidencialismo Timorense. História, politica e desenho institucional na trajectória de uma jovem democracia (pp. 89–105). Coimbra: CES/Almedina.
Cabasset, C. (2019). Timor-Leste: une democratie qui s’affirme, un impasse qui se prolonge. Asie Du Sudest, 2019, 381–405.
Cavaco Silva, A. (2004). Autobiografia Política II. Lisboa: Temas e Debates.
Cavaco Silva, A. (2017). Quinta-feira e outros dias I. Porto: Porto Editora.
Cavaco Silva, A. (2018). Quinta-feira e outrso dias II. Porto Editora: Porto.
Duverger, M. (1996). Le Système Politique Français. Droit Constitutionnel et Science Politique. Paris: PUF.
Feijó, R. G. (2013, July 24). O sonho de Sá Carneiro e o pesadelo de Cavaco Silva. In Público.
Feijó, R. G. (2018). Timor-Leste in 2017: Between a Diplomatic Victory and the Return of “Belligerent Democracy”. Asian Survey, 58(1), 206–212.
Feijó, R. G. (2019a). Timor-Leste in 2018. Political Instability and Economic Decline. Asian Survey, 59(1), 215–221.
Feijó, R. G. (2019b). Timor-Leste 1945–1999: From an Almost Forgotten Portuguese Colony to the First Democratic Nation of the 21st Century. In Asia Maior (Vol. XXX, pp. 241–266).
Feijó, R. G. (2020). Timor-Leste: Twenty Years After the Self Determination Referendum. Southeast Asian Affairs, 2020, 381–390.
Franco, V. (2017). Semipresidencialismo em Portugal: Poderes Presidenciais e Interacção com o Governo (1982–2016). Ph.D. dissertation. Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa.
Freire, A., & Santana-Pereira, J. (2017). O sistema semipresidencial português em tempos de crise, 2011–2016: um presidente entre a responsabilidade internacional e a responsividade face aos eleitores. In A. C. Pinto & P. G. C. Rapaz (Eds.), Presidentes e (Semi)Presidencialismo nas Democracias Modernas (pp. 217–252). Lisboa: Imprensa de Ciências Sociais.
Jalali, C. (2011). The President Is Not a Passenger: Portuguese Evolving Semi-Presidentialism. In R. Elgie, S. Moestrup, & Y.-S. Wu (Eds.), Semi-Presidentialism and Democracy (pp. 156–173). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Jalali, C., & Fernandes, J. (2017). A Resurgent Presidency? Portuguese Semi-Presidentialism and the 2016 Elections. South European Society and Politics, 22(1), 121–138.
Leach, M., & Kingsbury, D. (2012). The Politics of Timor-Leste. Ithaca, New York: Cornell Southeast Asia Program.
Pereira, A. (2014, January 24). Transforming Belligerent Democracy into Consensus Democracy. Tempo Semanal.
Rapaz, P. J. C. (2017). O “veto politico” do Presidente da República, 1986–2013: uso e variáveis políticas. In A. C. Pinto & P. J. C. Rapaz (Eds.), Presidentes e (Semi)Presidencialismo nas Democracias Modernas (pp. 193–216). Lisboa: ICS.
República Democrática de Timor-Leste. (2002). Constitution of the Democratic Republic of East Timor. Dili: Assembleia Constituinte.
República Portuguesa. (2005). Constituição da República Portuguesa – VII Revisão Constitucional. Lisboa: Assembleia da República.
Salgado, S. (2007). Parliamentary and Presidential Election in Portugal, 2005 and 2006. Electoral Studies, 26, 512–516.
Siapno, J. (2006). Timor-Leste: On a Path to Authoritarianism? Southeast Asian Affairs, 1, 325–342.
Simonsen, S. G. (2006). The Authoritarian Temptation in East Timor: National Building and the Need for Inclusive Governance. Asian Survey, 46(4), 575–596.
Teixeira, N. S. (2016, February 11). O Ultimo Presidente. Publico: 47.
Vasconcelos, P. B. de (Ed.). (2011). Constituição Anotada da Republica Democrática de Timor-Leste. Braga: Direitos Humanos—Centro de Investigação Interdiciplinar, Universidade do Minho.
Vasconcelos, P. B., & Cunha, R. S. (2009). Semi-Presidencialismo em Timor: um equilíbrio institucional dinâmico num contexto crítico. In M. C. Lobo & O. A. Neto (Eds.), O Semipresidencialismo nos Países de Língua Portuguesa. Lisboa: ICS.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2021 The Author(s)
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Graça Feijó, R. (2021). “Moderating Power” and Partisan Presidents: Two Empirical Cases. In: Presidents in Semi-Presidential Regimes. Palgrave Studies in Presidential Politics. Palgrave Pivot, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53180-5_5
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53180-5_5
Published:
Publisher Name: Palgrave Pivot, Cham
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-53179-9
Online ISBN: 978-3-030-53180-5
eBook Packages: Political Science and International StudiesPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)