Abstract
This chapter reveals the complex relationship between the military and Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF) politicians that deflected public attention away from and characterised Mugabe’s fall as a military coup. Through a qualitative methodology underpinned by purposive sampling of public statements made by security forces, media statements and utterances by war veterans, including from military commanders, court rulings and newspaper articles before and after the coup, it arrives at the conclusion that a combination of militarisation of key enablers of state power and a lack of elite consensus in ZANU–PF distinguish themselves from the generalised typology of hybrid regimes. The chapter demonstrates that when military interests were threatened by Mugabe and his wife, the security apparatus played its hand to block the rise of dynastic and familial politics. Four zones of power contestations were calculatedly infiltrated by the military for its long-term capturing of both party and state; the media, judiciary, electoral processes and the legislature are examined.
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Notes
- 1.
This is a specific and main theme identified across primary and secondary data.
- 2.
Interviews, Bulawayo Province, 29 July 2017.
- 3.
The Zimbabwean, 7 October 2009.
- 4.
See The Herald, 17 February 2014. New board for ZBC announced. Available at: http://www.herald.co.zw/new-board-for-zbc-announced/.
- 5.
Statement by Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander, Constantine Chiwenga, issued on 13 November 2017. Accessed at: www.nehandaradio.com on 15 January 2017.
- 6.
Full statement delivered on ZBC TV on 15 November 2017 by Major-General Sibusiso Moyo. Accessed at: www.ewn.co.za on 15 January 2017.
- 7.
See NewsDay, 16 November 2017, “Military takeover should be temporary”. Available at: https://www.newsday.co.zw/2017/11/military-takeover-temporary/.
- 8.
See Nehanda Radio, 15 November 2017, “Mugabe ‘under house arrest’ after army takeover”. Available at: http://nehandaradio.com/2017/11/15/mugabe-house-arrest-army-takeover/.
- 9.
See Daily Telegraph, 15 November 2017, “Zimbabwe crisis: ‘Moment of hope’ as Robert Mugabe’s iron grip on power evaporates”. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/11/14/tanks-seen-heading-towards-zimbabwe-capital-harare/.
- 10.
This was a general theme across the interviews held. It simply indicates that the military has been in use in all elections in which ZANU–PF has been involved. Interviews, July–August 2017.
- 11.
See Nehanda Radio, 24 December 2013. Joshua Nkomo letter to Robert Mugabe from exile in the United Kingdom. Available at: http://nehandaradio.com/2013/12/24/joshua-nkomo-letter-to-robert-mugabe-from-exile-in-the-uk/.
- 12.
Interviews revealed that ZIPRA forces were key campaign teams for PF–ZAPU, and to date it has been pivotal in Matabeleland as part of ZANU–PF war veteran campaign machinery.
- 13.
Interviews, July–August 2017.
- 14.
See Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace: A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland & Midlands 1980–1989, compiled by the Catholic Commission for Justice & Peace and the Legal Resources Foundation, September 2001.
- 15.
Interviews, July–August 2017. See also The Guardian, 22 June 2008. “This is no election. This is a brutal war.” Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/jun/22/zimbabwe1.
- 16.
See Zimbabwe: Press Freedom, 16 January 2002. Available at: https://www.africa.upenn.edu/Urgent_Action/apic-011602x.htm.
- 17.
See President Mugabe’s statement, The Herald, 23 June 2008.
- 18.
See Financial Gazette, 18 July 2011.
- 19.
See Pindulanews, 12 September 2017.
- 20.
In Jealousy Mbizvo Mawarire v Robert Gabriel Mugabe NO, Morgan Richard Tsvangirai NO, Arthur Guseni Oliver Mutambara, NO, Welshman Ncube and the Attorney General (SC 146/13, CCZ 18/13), Mr Mawarire successfully filed an application seeking an order directing the president to proclaim the elections to be held (after amendment) by 25 July, and the Constitutional Court ruled in his favour. It had always been ZANU–PF’s desire to have early elections before electoral reforms, whereas opposition parties in the GNU wanted them to take place after electoral reforms agreed in the Global Political Agreement (2008) had occurred. Mawarire was either sent by ZANU–PF or his actions were encouraged by ZANU–PF to secure a winning strategy.
- 21.
See www.pindula.co.zw/.
- 22.
See NewsDay, 20 September 2016. “The abusive relationship between the Executive and Judiciary”. Available at: https://www.newsday.co.zw/2016/09/abusive-relationship-executive-judiciary/.
- 23.
See www.pindula.co.zw/.
- 24.
See “About George Chiweshe-Pindula, Local Knowledge”. Available at: www.pindula.co.zw/index.php?title=George_Chiweshe.
- 25.
See Human Rights Watch, 6 September 2016.
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Ruhanya, P. (2020). The Militarisation of State Institutions in Zimbabwe, 2002–2017. In: Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S.J., Ruhanya, P. (eds) The History and Political Transition of Zimbabwe. African Histories and Modernities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47733-2_8
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