Abstract
Gandhi’s political actions and ideas, which were successful in many ways, have already inspired numerous civil rights and national independence movements worldwide, particularly in liberal-democratic states and in states with a certain degree of constitutionality. Non-violent policies are based on the assumption that law abidance and concepts of justice that promote human dignity and essential equality among all people can be mobilised both in a society that has hitherto been passive and to a certain extent also among political opponents, through a dogged commitment to action against injustice and a willingness to suffer in order to achieve a humanisation of social living conditions and the political order.
Since the existing law and the concepts of justice vary widely in time and space, there are numerous elements of Gandhi’s ideas and actions that cannot be applied to non-violent policies in other countries and in other times, such as specific Hindu religious practices and social norms (such as the principle of reincarnation, recognition of the main castes, special protection for cows, conventions with regard to forms of communication). However, the basic principles of non-violent social behaviour and Gandhi’s policies have universal significance and will probably continue to do so in the future, particularly in liberal democracies and in dictatorships that are losing their legitimacy in the eyes of an increasing proportion of the population, who are suffering from injustice. The dangers that arise from a growing escalation of violence and the means of force employed by many states that to an increasing degree cannot be overcome by violence, appear to be causing social-political movements to increasingly tend to seek non-violent strategies to overcome inhumane living conditions that are becoming unbearable. For them, the study of Gandhi’s experiences and ideas remains an essential source of inspiration for their own actions, which are based on self-determination and also self-control.
The core element of Gandhi’s way of life is an awareness of one’s responsibility not only for one’s actions, but also of one’s failure to put up resistance against injustice in one’s own environment, which varies widely in its scope depending on one’s potential social impact. Non-cooperation is the primary legal means of non-violent action. Civil disobedience is a stage of escalation of non-violent policies that requires extremely careful preparation and a consideration of the risks for the common good that it entails. It is implemented against laws that are largely perceived not only individually, but also among the population, as being unjust, which also contradicts the constitutional law that now applies everywhere, as well as international law.
Lecture given on 29.1.2018.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Jahn (1993).
- 3.
As a student, King was fascinated by a lecture or sermon about India and Gandhi, and began to study his activities intensively. King (1968, p. 74), cf. also Oates (1984, p. 50). See also Lewis (1970, p. 34). In 1959, he visited the places where Gandhi campaigned in India. King himself said: “It was in this Gandhian emphasis on love and nonviolence that I discovered the method for social reform that I had been seeking.” Carson (2000, p. 24). See also Scott King (1979, p. 54).
- 4.
- 5.
Dolci (1969).
- 6.
Birukoff (2006).
- 7.
- 8.
“It is not the Hindu religion, which I certainly prize above all other religions, but the religion which transcends Hinduism, which changes one’s very nature, which binds one indissolubly to the truth within and which ever purifies. It is the permanent element in human nature which counts no cost too great in order to find full expression and which leaves the soul utterly restless until it has found itself, known its Maker and appreciated the true correspondence between the Maker and itself.” CWMG (1999, vol. 20, p. 304).
- 9.
Among the supporters of non-violence, there is general agreement that the negative term is not satisfactory, and can also hardly be replaced by the Sanskrit neologism Satyagraha. Martin Arnold attempts to replace it with the word “Gütekraft” and to prove that it is appropriate across different cultures and worldviews, in different religious and atheistic concepts alike, see Arnold (2011, pp. 89–94, 36–39).
- 10.
CWMG (1999, vol. 26, p. 292).
- 11.
CWMG (1999, vol. 26, pp. 262–263).
- 12.
Gandhi (1983, p. 453).
- 13.
“The only tyrant I accept in this world is the ‘still small voice’ within me.” CWMG (1999, vol. 26, p. 260).
- 14.
“For I do not believe in the exclusive divinity of the Vedas. I believe the Bible, the Koran, and the Zend Avesta to be as much divinely inspired as the Vedas. My belief in the Hindu scriptures does not require me to accept every word and every verse as divinely inspired. Nor do I claim to have any first-hand knowledge of these wonderful books. But I do claim to know and feel the truths of the essential teaching of the scriptures. I decline to be bound by any interpretation, however learned it may be, if it is repugnant to reason or moral sense.” CWMG (1999, vol. 24, p. 371).
- 15.
When Gandhi was sentenced to 6 years’ imprisonment in 1922 due to his call in three newspaper articles to join a campaign of non-cooperation and civil disobedience against the existing governmental system, during which terrible acts of violence were committed by Indians against policemen and other representatives of the authorities, he declared that: “The only course open to you, the Judge, is either to resign your post and thus dissociate yourself from evil, if you feel that the law you are called upon to administer is an evil and that in reality I am innocent; or to inflict on me the severest penalty if you believe that the system and the law you are assisting to administer are good for the people of this country and that my activity is, therefore, injurious to the public weal.” CWMG (1999, vol. 26, p. 385).
- 16.
“My non-violence does recognize different species of violence-defensive and offensive. It is true that in the long run the difference is obliterated, but the initial merit persists. A non-violent person is bound, when the occasion arises, to say which side is just. Thus I wished success to the Abyssinians, the Spaniards, the Czechs, the Chinese and the Poles, though in each case I wished that they could have offered non-violent resistance.” (Harijan 9.12.1939, https://www.mkgandhi.org/momgandhi/chap29.htm). Quote found in Kraus (1957, p. 266).
- 17.
“I do believe that where there is only a choice between cowardice and violence, I would advise violence.” For this reason, Gandhi advised the following: “I advocate training in arms for those who believe in the method of violence. I would rather have India resort to arms in order to defend her honour than that she should in a cowardly manner become or remain a helpless witness to her own dishonour. But I believe that non-violence is infinitely superior to violence, forgiveness is more manly than punishment.” CWMG (1999, vol. 21, p. 133).
- 18.
“If a man fights with his sword single-handed against a horde of dacoits armed to the teeth, I should say he is fighting almost non-violently… In the same way, for the Poles to stand valiantly against the German hordes vastly superior in numbers, military equipment and strength, was almost non-violence…You must give its full value to the word ‘almost’.” CWMG (1999, vol. 79, pp. 121–122).
- 19.
See e.g. Alt (1983). More than 20 editions had been published by 2000.
- 20.
Thoreau (2014).
- 21.
- 22.
- 23.
- 24.
- 25.
Hountondji (1983, pp. 135, 146).
- 26.
See the examples of Julius Nyerere in Tanzania, Kenneth Kaunda in Zambia, Albert Luthuli in South Africa and Sam Nujoma in Namibia. It is noticeable that all these cases occurred in Anglo-Africa and not in Franco- or Ibero-Africa. Kaunda once said that if he were to be forced to select a colonial power, he would choose the British, “because I would be in a position to go to their country and lead a campaign against their own government” Sutherland and Meyer (2000, p. 110).
- 27.
Gamsachurdia (1995, p. 148).
- 28.
- 29.
Mez (1976).
- 30.
Horský (1975).
- 31.
Rothermund (1997, pp. 395–397).
- 32.
- 33.
The purpose of the Khilafat, i.e. the caliphate movement, supported by Gandhi from 1919 to 1924, was not primarily to support the Ottoman caliph and his Turkish supporters, but above all to offer solidarity with the Indian Muslims, see in detail Rothermund (1997, pp. 133–140, 182–183).
- 34.
Gene Sharp compiled a detailed list of 198 forms or methods of non-violent action, Sharp (1973, vol. 2: The Methods of Nonviolent Action).
- 35.
Braune (2017).
- 36.
Rothermund (1997, pp. 248–272).
- 37.
Thoreau (2014).
- 38.
A comprehensive analysis of the success and failure of 323 non-violent and violent resistance movements from 1900 to 2006 is provided by Chenoweth and Stephan (2013). According to this analysis, during this period, the success rate of non-violent movements has increased, while that of violent ones has declined (pp. 6–7).
- 39.
Some social-geographical factors such as sparse settlement in mountains and jungles, are doubtless more suited to guerrilla warfare than densely populated locations in urban regions. However, the long civil wars in Beirut, Aleppo and Mosul demonstrate that even in major cities, war can be conducted over a longer period of time.
- 40.
Gandhi certainly did have ideas about a police force that acted non-violently on principle, which countered violent crime without applying violence itself. However, these ideas were never put into practice and will probably have no chance of success in the future either. However, it is possible that the methods used by police for non-lethal suppression (water cannon, police truncheons instead of guns) will be further developed, for example the use of stun guns when dealing with dangerous wild animals.
- 41.
- 42.
Habermas (1985, pp. 81, 87).
- 43.
- 44.
The difficulty of also practicing non-violent policies as democratically responsible statesmen following attainment of national independence has been very clearly demonstrated by Kenneth Kaunda and Julius Nyerere, Sutherland and Meyer (2000, pp. 95–113, 69–89).
- 45.
Freedom House 2017: Freedom of the World 2017, https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2017. As well as the 193 UN member states, Kosovo and the Republic of China (Taiwan) have also been included in the list of countries by Freedom House.
- 46.
For more detail, see the three lectures on the relationship between the state and the nation, and on nationalism, Jahn (2015, pp. 13–68).
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Jahn, E. (2020). Is the Policy of Non-violence of Mohandas K. Gandhi a Unique Phenomenon, or Is It of Universal Significance?. In: War and Compromise Between Nations and States. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34131-2_6
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