Abstract
In 1593, the Governor of Chile, Martín García Óñez de Loyola held four diplomatic meetings with Mapuche groups in Quilacoya, Rere, Taruchina, and Imperial City. Although in the documentary record they are identified as acts of “Requirement” or an ultimatum of the Governor towards the indigenous people, a detailed analysis shows that in reality they are pacts of the protocol and negotiation policies that are characteristic of the later Hispano-Mapuche parlamentos and that constitute a sui generis procedure of border relationship between colonizer and indigenous people. In particular, we analyze four main aspects: the places of the meetings, the characteristics of the Hispanic and Mapuche participants, the organization and development of the meetings, and the agreements reached.
This chapter is revised and adapted from an article published in Spanish: José Manuel Zavala Cepeda, Tom D. Dillehay, and Gertrudis Payàs. El requerimiento de Martín García Óñez de Loyola a los indios de Quilacoya, Rere, Taruchina, y Maquegua de 1593: testimonio oficial de parlamentos hispano-mapuches tempranos, Revista Memoria Americana 21–22: 235–268. Translated from Spanish by Patricia Netherly.
We thank Angélica Cardemil, Daniel Videla, and María José Barría for their valuable collaboration in the preparation of the text and tables for this chapter. We also thank Daniel Stewart for his pertinent observations on the localization of Quilacoya, Rere, and Taruchina.
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Notes
- 1.
We highlight the polysemic nature of the term parlamento because it can point altogether to the treaty that arises from the meeting of two parties who seek peace, the meeting itself and also the space where that meeting takes place.
- 2.
There is abundant bibliography on the parlamentos as a diplomatic institution. A far from exhaustive list includes Boccara (1998, 1999), Contreras Painemal (2007), Foerster (2008), Lázaro Ávila (1996), León (1992, 1993, 2002), Levaggi (1993, 2002), Lincoqueo (2002), Obregón (2011), Roulet (2004), Zavala (1998, 2008, 2011) and Zapater (1985), among others.
- 3.
As we indicated, García-Gallo (1987), p. 715–741 places the first references to the Spanish tradition of frontier treaties in the middle of the eleventh century (A.D.) when, by means of treaties, relations of dependency are established between the Taifa kingdoms of Zaragoza, Toledo, Sevilla, and Badajoz and the kingdom of Navarre under Fernando I.
- 4.
During the sixteenth century, La Imperial was a Spanish settlement with the title of city (ciudad) and was a bishopric, just like Santiago. The bishopric of La Imperial included Concepción, Angol, Villarrica, Cañete, Valdivia, Osorno, and the island of Chiloé.
- 5.
Martín García Óñez de Loyola was the nephew of Ignacio de Loyola, founder of the Jesuit Order. In Peru he married Peru Beatriz Coya, who was a member of the Inca royal family. When he was appointed Governor of Chile, he and his wife moved to this country.
- 6.
There were significant concentrations of indigenous population in these places during the sixteenth century whom the Spanish tried to oblige to serve in their recently created settlements: Quilacoya, Rere, and Taruchina serving Concepción and Maquegua serving La Imperial.
- 7.
The parlamentos of the period of Luis de Valdivia are described in detail in the next chapter.
- 8.
This great rebellion or uprising began with the ambush and deaths of the governor, Garcίa Óñez de Loyola and his party by the Mapuche at Curalava in 1598 and was afterwards followed by the attack or harassment of the settlements of Angol, Cañete, La Imperial, Villarrica, and Osorno, which were progressively abandoned by the Spanish. Only the port city of Valdivia was reconstructed later in 1645.
- 9.
The Seville original was located in the Archivo General de Indias [AGI], catalogued under Patronato 227, after this chapter had already been written, which explains why we have used the copy in the Medina collection as the basis for this chapter. All three copies are the same document with only slight differences in transcription.
- 10.
The differences between the documents correspond to spelling and the transcription of some personal names, discrepancies which are surely the result of criteria in transcription or errors in copying.
- 11.
Requerimiento que hizo el gobernador de Chile Martín García de Loyola a ciertos indios para que se redujesen al servicio de S.M., Domingo de Lossu, notary public and of the council, Concepción, 22 de Abril de 1594. The Requerimiento [demand] made by the governor of Chile Martín García de Loyola to certain indians to submit to the service of H. M. [his Majesty]. This manuscript has been published in the Colección de Documentos Inéditos para la historia de Chile (CDIHCh), Second Series, vol. IV: 376–381, Santiago.
- 12.
“En el asiento de Quilacoya termino é jurisdicción de la ciudad de la Concepción…, Domingo Elosu, escribano público y de cabildo, Concepción, 22 de Abril de 1594” [In the locality of Quilacoya in the jurisdiction of the city of la Concepción…, 22 of April of 1594, Domingo Elosu, notary public and of the council]. Archivo Histórico Nacional de Chile [ANHCh], Fondo Morla Vicuña [FMV], vol.33, ff. 6–13v.
- 13.
We also compared the manuscript version with the printed version published by Medina; in the latter, the Mapuche proper names appear written in a more corrupted form. The title of the printed version differs from that of the manuscript and, curiously, it makes explicit that these are peace treaties, since it reads: Requerimientos y capitulaciones de paz que hizo el gobernador Martín García de Óñez y Loyola con algunos caciques de los indios de guerra [Demands and treaties of peace which the governor Martín García de Óñez y Loyola made with certain caciques of the Indians of war]. Finally, once we had finished with this text, we were able to compare the Chilean copies with the original in Seville; the differences are only changes due to transcription. Nevertheless, the original in the AGI, Patronato Real, does not have a title, so we may suppose the title of the Chilean copies are the work of the transcriber, surely Medina himself.
- 14.
In those cases where we have two versions of a proper name, both acceptable readings, we have placed the alternative within parentheses, as in the example of the scribe, Domingo de Lossu (Elosu).
- 15.
As we noted in Chap. 1, the requerimiento was a procedure which, before an attack, consisted of demanding the surrender of the enemy or rebels, giving him certain guarantees of pardon and other concessions.
- 16.
Under the Fondecyt Project No. 1090504 (2009–2012), there were two archaeological field seasons carried out under the direction of Tom Dillehay. In the first, in January of 2010, surveys were carried out in Quilacoya and Rere. During the second, carried out in January of 2011, test pits were excavated in the area of Rere.
- 17.
These procedures were followed in the series of parlamentos from 1593 to 1803 for which we have a documentary database, transcribed from different originals.
- 18.
- 19.
This affirmation of Rosales is shared by the historian Barros Arana (1999), p. 147.
- 20.
And justly so, for in February of 1594 the English corsair Richard Hawkins sailed the Strait of Magellan, and anchored off the Island of Mocha, and arrived at the port of Valparaiso the 24th of April of that year (Barros Arana 1999, p. 153).
- 21.
We do not know whether this fort already existed or if its construction was planned. What we do know is that Maquegua was in service during the Great Rebellion of 1598–1602 since it was attacked by the Mapuche, as indicated in Álvarez de Toledo (1862, p. 171). In light of this, it is possible that before 1593 there may have been some kind of Spanish outpost or refuge and that Óñez de Loyola only improved and reestablished it, as often happened with these early forts which were built and taken down with facility as Guarda (1990, p. 189) has shown. The fact that Maquegua was an intermediate stage on the road between the cities of Imperial and Villarrica supports this thesis.
- 22.
- 23.
During the archaeological field season of 2010 of the Fondecyt Project No.1090504, the river valley and settlement of Quilacoya were surveyed archaeologically without identifying any indication of a site which might have had the characteristics of a parlamento from the data recovered. In any event, we suspect that the parlamento of 1593 must have been held in the area of the lower course of the Quilacoya River upstream from the Bio Bio River.
- 24.
In the archaeological field season of January 2011 of Fondecyt Project No.1090504, two test pits were excavated in the place known today as Buena Esperanza on the top of a hill where there are traces of the presence of a possible defensive emplacement. No archaeological materials were recovered there, which suggests that it was an enclosure with very little use or a fort which was never used. On the other hand, in the plaza of the town of Rere, in a trench dug as part of sanitary installations, there was a great deal of cultural material in layers which were pre-hispanic as well as post-hispanic. This is evidence for ancient and constant human occupation in this place. We thank Amalia Loreto Bermedo and her family for their valuable collaboration and warm welcome during the archaeological investigations made at Rere.
- 25.
Pedro Mariño de Lovera states that around 1579 Field Marshal Lorenzo Bernal de Mercado was attacked while encamped with the army on the bank of the Niniqueten River in the “states” of Arauco by the cacique Tarochina “who came with a large number of Indians to attack the royal forces in the middle of the night (Mariño de Lovera 1865[1595], p. 383). The other references to Tarochina refer to the same period and events we are analyzing: Olaverrίa 1852 [1594], p. 13–54; Ovalle 1969 [1646], p. 267; and Rosales 1989 [1674]. Miguel de Olaverrίa, the author who was a contemporary of the events, places Taruchina, he calls him Tarochina, in the same terms as those used by the notary Domingo de Elosu, “next to the province of Rere and Gualqui” (Olaverrίa 1852, p. 20).
- 26.
In a personal communication, the historian Daniel Stewart, who has written a doctoral dissertation on the first encomiendas in Concepción, has been so kind as to tell us that the cacique Taruchina and his people were first given in encomienda to Hernando Cabrera in 1580, later to Pedro de Castillo Velasco in 1602 and lastly to Jorge Rivera in 1617, Tarochina came from a place called Mela, located near Conuco on the bank of the Itata River. In the sixteenth century there was a road which went directly from Conuco to Quilacoya (Daniel Stewart, personal communication 2012).
- 27.
During the archaeological field season in January 2010 of Fondecyt Project No. 1090504, the central area of Carahue was visited and surveyed, particularly the Plaza de Armas. There were open trenches for a remodeling project in the Plaza in which abundant cultural remains could be seen, in particular pieces of early colonial roof tiles; these are testimony of an early Spanish occupation.
- 28.
In a note in the first edition of the chronicle of Rosales, Vicuña Mackenna notes that among the first eight Jesuits who came to Chile with their Provincial, Baltasar de Piñas, and in addition to the young priest, Father Luis de Valdivia, there were two young Chilean Jesuits, who some 12 or 15 years earlier had travelled to Lima to study; one was Hernando de Aguilera and the other was Juan de Olivares (Rosales 1878[1674], p. 278).
- 29.
According to Alonso de Ovalle in his Histórica Relación del Reyno de Chile, “The care of the Indians was given to father Luis de Valdivia, who applied himself truly to this and was a man of such great talent, that in within 13 days of having begun to study their language, he had begun to take confessions in it, and within 28 [days] he had begun to preach, which is unusual, for the language of the Indians of Chile is so different from Spanish and Latin and even from those of other nations, which are not similar even in a single word.” See Ovalle (1969[1646], p. 256). Luis de Valdivia later played an active role in the policy of the defensive war and in reaching agreements in parlamentos with the Mapuche, which he carried out beginning in 1605 under the new royal provisions which granted him the office of a special commissioner for the Crown for dealing with the Indians of the frontier (this subject is developed in the following chapter).
- 30.
According to the very detailed study of Dίaz Blanco (2010, p. 49), there is no documentary evidence for the presence of the famous Jesuit, Luis de Valdivia, on the frontier before 1605. During the first stage of his life in Chile, Father Valdivia had lived in Santiago almost without interruption.
- 31.
- 32.
Toki is the term in Mapudungun for a Mapuche authority associated with warfare, whom the Spanish identified as a “war leader,” but in reality this was a political and religious position whose holders exercised a preeminent role in the assemblies where it was decided whether or not to fight in war; the toki is the guardian of the toki-kura, the flint axe which was dug up in time of war.
- 33.
Lebo, the term designating Mapuche political units of residence used by the first chroniclers of the sixteenth century; it gradually fell into disuse. It was approximately equivalent to the rewe.
- 34.
Óñez de Loyola himself uses this term in a report written in February of 1593 the term ayllarewe is used with this meaning (Palma Alvarado 1995, p. 57). For a detailed analysis of these concepts and of the political and territorial organization of the Mapuche in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries see Zavala and Dillehay 2010, p. 433–450.
- 35.
The Antillean term cacique early on became a term used generally in Spanish America to designate the local leaders or chiefs, independent of their respective terms and characteristics. In the Mapuche case, the Mapudungun word used in the colonial sources as equivalent to cacique is ulmen. A toki is a particular kind of ulmen, so for this reason the Spanish sometimes included the toki in the general category of cacique.
- 36.
For the relation between the toki and the assemblies for war, see Zavala (2008, p. 269).
- 37.
Absences and indirect representation as well as the type of explanations offered about them are a constant feature of the parlamentos of the eighteenth century (Zavala 2008, p. 159–187, 261–280).
- 38.
Original: “después de haber oído y entendido el dicho razonamiento quedaron en consulta para responder á la proposición de su señoría.”
- 39.
Original: “después de haber entre si tratado y hecho sus parlamentos por tiempo de dos días se resolvieron de dar la paz y obediencia á su magestad y al dicho señor gobernador.”
- 40.
Original: “Habiendo oido y entendido se asentaron en su parlamento dando para ello la mano á enorague y guayquintau caciques viejos los cuales habiendo hecho sus parlamentos pidieron las mismas condiciones que los caciques de Quillacoya.”
- 41.
Original: “Despues de haberlo entendido dieron la mano para el parlamento que habian de hacer para tratar de la paz que se les proponia al cacique Taruchina y Guenorelmo e Naulican, los cuales habiendo hecho sus parlamentos segun su costumbre, dijeron que ellos estaban determinado de dar la paz y obediencia á su magestad.”
- 42.
- 43.
The groups on the north bank of the Bio Bio River which gathered around the forts and missions were recognized during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as “friendly Indians,” see Ruiz-Esquide 1993.
- 44.
Here, this self-designation as “Indians of war” means they were groupings whose main activity was war, unlike other groups labeled as “Indians of peace,” who probably engaged in agricultural activities.
- 45.
In the seventeenth century dictionary of Covarrubias (1611, 9v, 602v), rescatar is defined as, “to recover the value of what the enemy has stolen.” Nevertheless, it should be noted that in the context of the frontier, the term rescate was also used to refer to other types of payment for purchases or provisions and not exclusively as compensation for stolen property.
- 46.
The Governor gave Martín Monje the charge of protecting this settlement. Monje was the “caudillo” of the fort of Maquegua for about 5 years, since he died in an attack on this fortification during the great Mapuche uprising which began in 1598, according to the account in Purén Indómito (Álvarez de Toledo 1862, p. 171).
- 47.
With regard to this, the contributions of Jorge Pavez (2006) are very significant; he followed the presence of written material in the relations between Spanish-Chileans and Mapuches in reference to the arguments expressed by Luis de Valdivia to the Mapuche leaders of Catiray in 1612 about the power granted to him in writing. Pavez establishes a relation of continuity between parlamentos and letters and presents several cases which show this connection and transition between the colonial parlamentos and the post-colonial parlamentos of the nineteenth century. With this in mind, we differ from Pavez with regard to the concept of writing; since he uses it in a very broad sense, including any kind of inscription or register used to communicate, while we use it in a more restricted sense, limited to systems that systematically record to speech and oral language. With regard to the theme of the use of writing in Mapuche politics, see also the publication of the same author on the letters of the nineteenth century (2008) and that of Vezub (2009) covering the areas of Pampa and Patagonia in Argentina.
- 48.
In this transcription the spelling and punctuation have been modernized and explanatory notes have been added, thanks to the work of Gertrudis Payàs and Laura Hillock.
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Appendix I
Appendix I
Archival Sources
AGI, Patronato Real 227. Ff. 143–148.Footnote 48
[Parlamentos of Quilacoya, Rere, Taruchia and Imperial of 1593]
In the mining settlement of Quilacoya, territory and jurisdiction of the city of la Concepción, on the twenty-sixth day of the month of September of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, at the invitation of Martίn Garcίa de Óñez y Loyola, Caballero of the Order of Calatrava, Governor, Captain General and Chief Justice in this realm and provinces of Chile by authority of the King Our Lord, before me, the secretary Domingo de Elosu, the hostile caciques and indian reguas who were natives and neighbors to the said settlement, who will be named below, met to discuss the terms of peace between His Lordship and themselves; and having come together, the lord Governor, through translation by Francisco Fris, his interpreter, made a long declaration to them describing to the deaths, damages and detriments which the wars they had waged for more than thirty years against the King Our Lord and his governors had caused and that they should consider how few indians remain of the many there were before the said wars began; that, as they could see, only a fourth part remained of the many indians that there were in the beginning, while the Spanish were always increasing, and that at present they wandered distressed with their women and children, without a safe place in the forests and ravines, seeking a safe place where the Spanish should not find them, not daring to stop nor live in good, fertile, flat lands, even if they were their own, nor cultivate them, living and cultivating as they live and sowing in rough and infertile lands, and in these they are attacked by the Spanish and they and their wives and crops are killed, seized and cut down with no relief or security anywhere as they themselves have seen with their own eyes and experienced.
And that His Lordship, seeing their hardships and considering their decrease, and desiring that they remain in their lands enjoying them and their wives, children, and crops, although he has the possibility and power to conquer them by arms, in order to avoid their destruction and salve his conscience he admonished them to submit in obedience to the King Our Lord, settling in their lands and building their houses and planting their crops, dealing and communicating with the Spanish as do the rest of the natives of this realm who are peaceful, who, as they themselves see that they are peaceful, who as they can see are secure and settled in their lands and houses without resenting any person who offends them, and that it will be the same with them as it is with the other natives of this realm who are at peace, who as they see that they are quiet, safe and settled in their lands and houses without resenting any person who offends them, and the same will be for them if they accept peace, and they will receive justice as vassals of His Majesty. And that they should understand that if they do not do this he will wage fierce war against their persons, wives and children and lands until he has brought them by force of arms to obedience to the King Our Lord.
After having heard and understood the said argument the following caciques entered in consultation to respond to the proposition of His Lordship: encomienda of the said captain Juan de Ocampo. Temoyn, cacique of the lebo of Regua of Curinechico: Cateande, the highest ranking in the repartimiento of captain Diego de Aranda, whom the rest gestured to speak; Lienande and Ygneyande for themselves and for Camguan; Toroande for himself and for Lifqunga, who are among those given in encomienda to captains don Pedro Páez and Jerónimo de Benevides.
Regua de Cungluregue: Panguipillan spoke for himself and his brother; Manquetar, Animangue and Mareande, who are from the encomienda de Juan del Campo, spoke for themselves and for Quintacanco, their thrit toqui.
Regua de Munuquintue: Hupalcheuque, Canjuror, Llaullaunylla, Caranpangui, Anatenecul, Chicaneuel, Panguianga spoke for themselves and for the toqui Cayupillan and for the toqui Chuyguigueno, who are from the Gualqui, Manquetur from the lebo de Tomeco, Payledeco from the lebo of Quinel.
All of whom, after having discussed the matter among themselves and held their parlamentos for 2 days, agreed to offer peace and obedience to His Majesty and to the lord governor in his royal name, so long as they kept the following terms:
First, that their wives, children, houses, and fields be left to them without receiving any harm.
Likewise, that they be permitted their drinking rites and that they be allowed to celebrate their holidays.
Likewise, that they be given support and aid against the hostile Indians who are on the other side of the Bio Bio.
Likewise, that the payments which the caciques give to those who serve their encomenderos be paid by them and not the caciques since the service is for the encomenderos.
Likewise, that they not be sent to work in the gold mines which they have in their land, until this province is safe from the hostile Indians.
That the work in the mines be done for the present by the Indians of peace and that they for now not work except for their exchanges because they are occupied with building their houses and their crops until this province is safe from the hostile Indians and they will send workers for the regular levies (mitas).
Likewise, that they not be mistreated by officials, captains, or encomenderos and that if any person should mistreat them they should be punished and fined according to their custom.
Then they said that if and for so long as these terms were kept they would offer and offered peace and obedience to His Majesty and to the lord governor in his royal name and promised to comply without fail. And His Lordship, reviewing the conditions with which the said caciques gave the said peace, granted it to them and promised to keep it with all of them, and provide them justice and defend them from their enemies in the name of His Majesty as vassals of the King Our Lord.
All this occurred before many captains and soldiers which the lord governor brought in his company, especially captain Miguel de Silva, corregidor of the city of la Concepción and the captain Fernando de Cabrera and captain Antonio de Avendaño and many other captains and soldiers.
Martín Garcίa de Óñez de Loyola
before me, Domingo de Elosu
/signatures/
Parlamento of Rere
In the mining settlement of Rere , jurisdiction of the city of la Concepción, on the 29th day of September of the year 1593, at the request of Martín Garcίa de Óñez de Loyola, caballero of the order of Calatrava, Governor and Captain General and Chief Justice in the said realm and before me, the said secretary, the two reguas of Pocoyan and Rere met and from the said reguas the following caciques:
Rere: Mutupillan, Guayquintaro, Calbulican, Quedopichun, Tipayueno, Pocoyan, Enoraque, Antepangui, Ayancura, Gueltlauquen, Meliquen, Teneande, Huychibilo
The lord governor made the same discourse to all these caciques as to the others referred to before, who, having heard and understood, sat in their parlamento signaling by gesture to Enoraque and Guayquintaro, old caciques, who, after holding their parlamentos, asked for the same terms as the caciques of Quilacoya and said that, in granting them the same terms, they were decided to offer peace and obedience to His Majesty, as they would give and gave the said governor in his royal name; these were granted to them by His Lordship and he promised to comply as they asked. And they promised to always to be in obedience to His Majesty.
There were present at this peace negotiation many captains and soldiers and principally the said Captain Miguel de Silva and Captains Hernando Cabrera and Antonio de Avendaño and many others.
Martín Garcίa de Óñez de Loyola. Before me, Domingo de Elosu /Signatures/
Parlamento of Taruchina
In the mining settlement of Taruchina , in the jurisdiction of the city of la Concepción, on the thirtieth day of the month of September of the year 1593 at the request of the said Martín Garcίa de Óñez de Loyola, Caballero of the order of Calatrava, Governor, Capitan General, and Justicia Mayor in this realm by the King Our Lord, and before the said secretary, there gathered the caciques of the three reguas called Quilpoco, Pealmo, Conillevo with the following caciques:
Regua of Quilpoco: Taruchina, Onogualan, Llancarelmo, Chenquelican, Aluipillan.
Regua of Pealmo: Guenorelmo, Manquicane, Guingaguarlen, Guamymilla.
Regua of Conilevo: Naualican, Epunaue, Mancupillan, Manquechuyll, Guaquipangui.
To all of whom the lord governor gave the same discourse as the one to the reguas of Quilacoya through the interpretation of the said Francisco Fris and of Garcίa Álvarez Botello, and after they had heard it they named in representation for the parlamento which they had to hold to discuss the peace which was offered to the caciques, Taruchina and Guenorelmo and Naulican. These, having held their Parlamentos according to their custom, said that they were determined to offer obedience to His Majesty and to the lord governor so long as they followed the conditions which had been granted to the caciques of Quilacoya, and under these they were giving and gave the said lord governor peace and obedience, which they promised to keep and follow as true vassals of His Majesty. And the lord governor granted them the same terms as the caciques of Quilacoya and that they would have justice as vassals of His Majesty.
To this there were present many captains and soldiers and especially the said captain Miguel de Silva and captain Fernando Cabrera and Antonio de Avendaño and others.
Martín Garcίa de Óñez de Loyola before me, Domingo de Elosu
/signatures/
Parlamento of Imperial
In the city of Imperial on the 20-s of the month of November of the year 1593, at the request of Martín Garcίa de Óñez de Loyola, Caballero of the Order of Calatrava, Governor, Captain General and Chief Justice of this realm and province of Chile by the King Our Lord, having sent the Indians Quintacanco and Maupichon, Indians from the island of Maquehua and later with Guenulauquen and Cheonluncolureo and Guanchumangui, caciques from the said island, to warn them to enter into obedience to His Majesty, the reguas [here] named: Puello. Purume, Guanco and Pindacaue, which had risen up and rebelled against the royal service, met before the Lord Governor and before me, the Secretary, the caciques whose names will be given below, to discuss the terms of peace and enter into the service of His Majesty.
The caciques who met from the said reguas are the following: Guanchupilian Monculef, Guenchunere, Ancananco for themselves and on behalf of the caciques Vilcamanqui, Cauquenande, Cheongoala, Guaquicheuque, Melirehue, Manquitigay, Tureomanqui, principal caciques of the said reguas, whose votes and opinion they said they brought with them. To whom the Lord Governor, through the translation of the said Francisco Fris, offered them the same discourse and reasoning as to the caciques of Quilacoya, explaining how they had entered into peace and come to obey His Majesty.
The caciques, once they had heard this and discussed it among themselves and the said Lord Governor about the manner in which they would accept the said peace, and His Lordship having described the many crimes they had committed, they agreed that the said Lord Governor should set the conditions which they should obey, with which they would agree to peace and obedience to His Majesty and they would comply without fail. And once the conditions which should be followed on both sides had been presented and discussed between His Lordship and the said caciques the said peace was established with the following conditions:
That his Lordship pardon, in the name of His Majesty, the deaths of Captain Pedro de Maluenda, Corregidor of Ciudad Rica and Cristobal de Aranda, named settler there, and the soldiers who were killed with them at Maquehua and the sieges and battles which they caused and the theft of Indians and livestock they had occasioned, and as a result they would forgive those who had been killed and seized and exiled so that no past event before the present day be included. And that accepting this, they will come to settle with all their Indians, children, women, and followers near the Maquehua fort and for this His Lordship provide an escort for them so that the enemy does not attack them on the road and Martín Monge will undertake this, and in the said place of Maquehua will protect them from their enemies, and they will build their houses during the present summer and the following winter sow their fields on the said island, and in the meantime they will not be asked to contribute to the mita or any service, but afterwards they will and from this time forward they will be loyal to His Majesty and his governors in his name, and they will contribute soldiers to fight against the rebellious Indians and to serve as they are ordered and they will comply with this under pain of losing their lives, their women, children and goods. That they will be well treated and protected by His Lordship and his captains in the name of His Majesty, and in His Royal Name they will receive justice as his vassals and when they are sent a priest, they will receive him and hear Christian doctrine and evangelical law.
And with these conditions he received the peace of the said caciques and they promised to keep it, and Captain Antonio de Galleguillos and Jusepe de Junco and Francisco de Soto were witnesses.
Martín Garcίa de Óñez de Loyola
Before me, Domingo de Elosu
/signatures/
And I, Domingo de Elosu, notary public and of cabildo of this city of la Concepción and its jurisdiction by the King Our Lord, was present together with the lord governor and the grantors of the treaties noted above which were approved before me as Secretary of His Lordship, and I had it written as it was in the originals which I have before me, in this city of la Concepción the twenty-second day of April of the year five hundred ninety-four, and in witness whereof I make my sign here which is equivalent to witness of the truth.
Domingo de Elosu, notary public and of cabildo
/several signatures/
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Zavala, J.M. (2020). The First Documented Parlamentos of 1593: Quilacoya, Rere, Taruchina, and Maquegua. In: Zavala, J., Dillehay, T., Payàs, G. (eds) The Hispanic-Mapuche Parlamentos: Interethnic Geo-Politics and Concessionary Spaces in Colonial America. Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23018-0_3
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