Abstract
This chapter focuses on cattle raiding in southern African history, arguing for a need to nuance prevailing interpretations of violence as either warfare or social distress. King describes situations where raiders were apprehended based on their location and accoutrements rather than observed malfeasance, illustrating that impressions of violence could be based on appearance or anxiety more than reality. The chapter also details rock art evidence showing relationships between cattle hides, weaponry, and livestock management to demonstrate that raided animals commanded social and environmental knowledge from humans. King closes with suggestions to consider raiding violence as ambiguous, and also as potentially related to performance and showmanship.
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Notes
- 1.
Morija Museum and Archives (henceforth, MMA), D.F. Ellenberger Papers (henceforth, DFEP), D.F. Ellenberger to J.M. Orpen, 8 December 1905.
- 2.
Archaeological literature on warfare and conflict cleaves broadly into discussions of ‘modern’ or ‘real war’ (e.g. the World Wars, the Spanish Civil War, the Vietnam War) and ‘ritual war’ (e.g. Mayan, Aztec, or Viking practices). Here, I draw on the latter category of literature.
- 3.
This is the subject of Ettore Morelli’s forthcoming doctoral thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies.
- 4.
I thank one of this book’s reviewers for clarification on this point.
- 5.
Cape Archives (henceforth, CA), Secretary for Native Affairs 1/3/19, Albert Allison, ‘Statement of Dinilape a Basuto Resident near Silesa’s Kraal’, 1869.
- 6.
Ibid.
- 7.
This heading refers to the Carolyn Hamilton’s (1992) article dissecting how the negative image of Shaka kaSenzangakhona was produced through a combination of European sensationalisation and perceptions of Shaka circulating among contemporary African communities. The phrase ‘character and objects’ itself derives from an 1828 newspaper speculating unfavourably on what these might be (Hamilton 1992, 56 fn. 97).
- 8.
MMA, DFEP, J.M. Orpen to D.F. Ellenberger, 5 July 1911.
- 9.
MMA, DFEP, J.M. Orpen to D.F. Ellenberger 1913, ‘Memorandum referring critically to passages denoted by pages and lines in Mr. Ellenberger’s manuscript regarding Basuto History south of the Orange River and to the establishment and affairs of what was first called the ‘Wittebergen Native Reserve’ and is now called Herschel’.
- 10.
MMA, DFEP, J.M. Orpen to D.F. Ellenberger, 16 March 1905.
- 11.
Unlike many administrators in the Cape government, Austen was a man of limited education and spent much of his youth working for the WMS. His tenure at Wittebergen was fraught with conflict with native residents and administrators alike and he struggled to earn the respect of his colleagues. Almost certainly, one major factor underpinning his difficulties was his race: Ellenberger and the French missionary Hermann Dieterlen (1875) described him as un mulâtre and un home de couleur and he was mocked by the Tlokoa chief Lelingoana Maketekete as Leqhea, or ‘half-caste’ (Burman 1981, 54). Austen administered the Reserve through a combination of Western and traditional African law (as he understood it). When cattle were stolen from the Reserve, Austen would join commandos and track the stolen livestock, occasionally dispatching capital punishment. See CA, Colonial Office 4164, J.M. Orpen, ‘Regarding John Austen’s unfitness to be Superintendent of natives near Aliwal North’, 1870; MMA, DFEP, D.F. Ellenberger to Director, Paris Evangelical Missionary Society, 27 May 1880; D. Brigg, ‘Notes on the early history of Herschel Native Reserve, Aliwal North, Cape Colony, ND 1906, emphasis original; King (2018).
- 12.
CA, Native Affairs 273, C. Griffith to C. Brownlee, 9 September 1876.
- 13.
While cattle may have provided meat and secondary products, and may also have enabled people to engage and exploit landscapes in different ways (via grazing and ploughing), livestock were by no means essential or uniquely suited to any of these activities. From a zooarchaeological perspective, Shaw Badenhorst (2010) has suggested that we should not give cattle too much credit as functional engines of productivity and subsistence, especially given the availability of goats and sheep.
- 14.
Nomenclature for this site has been somewhat confused. The art shares a location with an archaeological site dubbed ‘Woodlot’, although the rock art site itself was given a different name: ‘Mount Moorosi’, not because it is at Mount Moorosi but because the mountain is visible across a bend in the Senqu when standing at Woodlot. To avoid confusion with the actual Mount Moorosi (discussed at length in Chap. 6), I use the alphanumeric code assigned to the rock art site in the African Rock Art Digital Archive. The images of cattle are the only chronological markers available for this site. As Chap. 2 described, the earliest known date for livestock in the Maloti-Drakensberg is c. 900 AD with a more intensive presence recorded c. 1600 AD.
- 15.
The British Museum has two shields. One (Af6094) was the result of a series of still-murky transfers from D.F. Ellenberger to Lucy Powles and thence to Henry Christie. The second (Af1936, 1218.2) was donated as part of a collection from Lady Cunninghame in 1936, and is said to have belonged to Langalibalele (cf. Elliott Weinberg 2016). Morija collection contains one shield, most likely acquired by one of the missionaries actively involved in ethnographic collecting, such as Hermann Dieterlen.
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King, R. (2019). ‘Appetite comes with eating’: Of Raiding and Wrong-Doing. In: Outlaws, Anxiety, and Disorder in Southern Africa. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18412-4_5
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