Abstract
This chapter aims to evaluate the role that Peronism played under the Argentinian dictatorship (1976–1983) and during the subsequent government of Raúl Alfonsín (1983–1989). With that end in mind, the “Proceso de Reorganización Nacional” is reconsidered here specifically in relation to Peronism, one of the period’s most important historical actors, which in turn allows for a more complex understanding of the Peronists as an opposition force and as a key player in civilian-military relations. This perspective likewise enables a more flexible definition of the transition to democracy period. To that effect, the text has been divided into two main sections. The first section, centring on the final years of the dictatorship, considers the Justicialist Party’s stance on matters such as the Viola-era loosening of political restrictions, the Malvinas (Falklands) War, and finally, Bignone’s attempts to broker a settlement that would bring the Process to a conclusion. The second section analyses attempt to democratize the Justicialist Party through a process known as the Peronist Renovation, where the role of Peronism concerning the military question assumes particular importance.
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Notes
- 1.
This chapter focuses on Peronism as a party, despite the complicated relationship between the Justicialist identity and the party-form. From its very origins, Peronism has always been considered, much more than a simple party, a political movement. In the period comprising its prohibition from electoral politics, from 1955 until 1973, the Justicialist Party itself assumed a secondary role as other sectors of power, such as the trade unions, gained in centrality. Nevertheless, there are several studies that have demonstrated the importance of the political party dating to the origins of Peronism.
- 2.
Although the concept of transition is employed here to refer to the passage from an authoritarian regime to a generally democratic one—just as it was defined by O’Donnell et al. (1994)—the aim here is to conceive of this process in organic rather than mechanical terms, as a phenomenon that extends beyond the boundaries formed by institutional dates.
- 3.
- 4.
Considering the “presentist” inspiration of this book, it is interesting to note the continuities and differences between this Peronism (and always allowing for its disparities) and that embodied by “Kirchnerism”, responsible for a new revisionist approach to the recent past, starting in 2003.
- 5.
In order to remedy some of the gaps in the periodical sources, this work draws on newspapers reflecting different political tendencies (Clarín, La Nación, La Voz) and different geographic scales, placing special emphasis on the provincial level (El Litoral, La Voz del Interior). Publications published in exile have also been employed, as in the case of Resumen de la actualidad argentina, where there was no censorship.
- 6.
For further reading on the role of the press during the dictatorship and the effects of censorship and self-censorship, see the work of Iturralde (2014) on the Clarín newspaper.
- 7.
Following the coup of 1955, Peronism was prohibited and forbidden from competing in elections, while Perón was forced into exile. Far from its stated objective, the measure only managed to increase political instability, and the period saw a rotation of weak civilian governments with corrective military coups and phases of authoritarian rule. Justicialism would again participate in elections in 1973, returning to government that same year and governing until 1976. Classic studies of the period include Cavarozzi (1997) and Melón Pirro (2009) and the series of studied edited by Amaral and Ben Plotkin (1993). For an understanding of the enduring relevance of the Peronist identity, see James (1997).
- 8.
The participation of individual politicians in the institutions of the dictatorship, particularly at the municipal and provincial level, has indeed been documented, but as Canelo notes (2016, 65), there was little such collaboration among the Peronist ranks on account of the military’s hostility to the party.
- 9.
Presented here in a schematic fashion, since the divisions were not only complex but highly fluid: Justicialism was dominated by the so-called verticalist sector, which adhered, if only symbolically, to the figure of Isabel Perón. Leading figures from that current included Bittel, Antonio Cafiero and Ítalo Luder and above all the powerful trade unions, with Lorenzo Miguel as their leader. There also existed a minority of ultra-verticalist, who held that the Perón’s widow Isabel should be obeyed without any further discussion. There were likewise anti-verticalists, such as Robledo and Matera, who pursued a line of greater internal party democracy, while still defending the conservative positions. Other groups, such as Saadi’s Intransigence line, attempted to reorganize the revolutionary elements of Peronism. For further reading, see Levitsky (2005).
- 10.
Novaro and Palermo (2003, 239–240) study the cases of “CARBAP, other agricultural organizations, such as the Argentine Rural Confederation, and industrial sectors (The Provincial Business Owners’ Movement, the developmentalist Economic Federation of Buenos Aires, among others)”, who, “towards the end of 1978 and beginning of 1979 openly announced their opposition to the regime’s economic policies, which they otherwise supported in every other area”. Naturally, it is a contentious matter to determine a precise date after which the criticism of the regime became generalized. Quiroga (2004), for example, considers 1978 as the year marking an increase in party opposition, although, revealingly, he begins his chapter concerning the regime’s “delegitimization” with the year 1979.
- 11.
The first public reappearance of Justicialism took place in July 1978, on the occasion of the commemorative ceremony for the death of Perón.
- 12.
Since the hypothetical party leader, Isabel Perón, was showing herself increasingly disinterested in politics (and given that, following her capture in 1981, she resided in Madrid), Bittel as vice-president assumed the leadership and representation of the party.
- 13.
Resumen, 13, 21 December 1979.
- 14.
Due its critical tone, the document sent by the Peronists to the Commission only bore the signature of Deolindo Bittel and Herminio Iglesias, though the document reflected the range of party attitudes towards the dictatorship. For more on the topic, see Iribarne (2006). Isabel Perón, for example, was critical of what she perceived as foreign meddling on the part of the Organization of American States (Novaro and Palermo 2003, 311). The Commission’s visit marked a before and after in the Process, as the junta found it increasingly more difficult to conceal the crimes committed (Jensen 2016).
- 15.
All the same, the military president was at pains to make clear the limits of the new “opening”, stating “this does not mean there will be elections (…). It does inaugurate what we could call a period of ‘participation’” (La Nación, 28 February 1981). If that were not enough, the three Junta commanders, whose relations with Viola were always tense, if not outright hostile, saw to it that the process never went beyond the limits of what had been announced in Viola’s own statements.
- 16.
According to Bittel, the Multipartidaria was convened “neither for nor against the government. It was convened on behalf of the nation”. Resumen, 50, 21 September 1981.
- 17.
Despite his hard-line speech, Galtieri maintained contact with several conservative sectors of Justicialism, particularly those led by Raúl Matera and the former governor of the Corrientes province, Julio Romero. That contact was strategically intended to foment division among the politicians, making impossible any type of coherent opposition.
- 18.
- 19.
La Nación, 3 April 1982.
- 20.
Among the Peronists present were Deolindo Bittel and Ángel Robledo, representing the party, while Jorge Triaca, Ramón Baldassini, Saúl Ubaldini and Federico Donaires represented the trade union wing. Clarín, 7 April 1982.
- 21.
Once more, one could fine diverse currents and tendencies within the Justicialist camp, ranging from the nationalist position of Rosa, to the trade union opposition of Pérez.
- 22.
The document can be found in issue 68 of the magazine Resumen de la actualidad argentina. The ceremony was observed on 29 April 1982.
- 23.
The so-called conciliation implied yet another episode in the chronic disagreement within the armed forces. Due to the lack of agreement over the proposal, the offer for dialogue was released as a cumbersome list of fifteen different topics.
- 24.
Although the measure was hypothetically intended to enjoy the unanimous acceptance of the armed forces, the debate over the scope and necessity of the bill proved to be acrimonious, particularly where the Marines were concerned. For further information on the issue, see Franco (2014).
- 25.
To make matters more complicated, it is important to recall that several sectors within the party participated in marches against the measure. The Intransigent and Mobilization currents, along with the more moderate but majoritarian MUSO, led by Bittel and Cafiero, participated in the marches against amnesty taking place at the end of August. El País, 19 August 1983.
- 26.
For a journalistic account of how the Peronist presidential candidate was selected and how the campaign took place, see Cordeu et al. (1985). The political wing of the trade union sector also made its presence felt in the internal struggles waged in each provincial district, where their preferred candidates generally fared favourably. Such was the case in San Fe, where a virtually unknown Jose María Vernet, who maintained good relations with the Rosario unions, won the governorship (Maina 2016).
- 27.
For a wonderful overview of the literature on the Peronist Renovation, see Ferrari and Mellado (2016).
- 28.
Ferrari and Mellado (2016) follow this line in order to tease out a more complex understanding of the Renovation, including a series of sub-national studies that rarely align with the classical accounts of the struggle between renovators and orthodox lines.
- 29.
The shift from a so-called arbitration power enjoyed by the armed forces to a more corporative identity is analysed by Canelo (2006).
- 30.
A good account of the so-called Junta Trials can be found in Ciancaglini and Granovsky (1995).
- 31.
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Baeza Belda, J. (2020). Peronism in the Transition and Peronism in Transition: From the End of the Reorganization Process to the Peronist Renovation (1981–1989). In: Grigera, J., Zorzoli, L. (eds) The Argentinian Dictatorship and its Legacy. Studies of the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18301-1_8
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