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Royal Rage and the Construction of Anglo-Norman Authority, c. 1000-1250 pp 109–146Cite as

Palgrave Macmillan

Righteous Royal Rage

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Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in the History of Emotions ((PSHE))

Abstract

In their monastic chroniclers, ecclesiastical authors constructed a space for the honorable, and even righteous, display of royal anger, often in forms of violence. The pattern of these accounts suggests that monastic communities felt that there were four areas in particular that were a vital part of the use of royal anger: to suppress and control rebellious or excessively cruel lords; to maintain law and order and make sure justice was enforced; to combat challenges to the king’s personal honor and reputation; and finally to demonstrate the powers of their elevated status as kings.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As Matthew Strickland notes, this is because prowess was the principal chivalric virtue of the knightly class. Idem, War and Chivalry, 99–100.

  2. 2.

    Warren C. Brown, Violence in Medieval Europe (London: Longman, 2011), 138–139; Buc, Dangers of Ritual, 8–9; 41–43.

  3. 3.

    Patrick Wormald argues for greater royal power to control law and order starting with Alfred. Idem, The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century, vol. I (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1999). Paul Hyams, however, is highly skeptical about the reality of the enforcement of royal power in the Anglo-Saxon period. Idem, Rancor and Reconciliation, 101–110.

  4. 4.

    Harris, 243–247.

  5. 5.

    Althoff, “Ira Regis,” 74.

  6. 6.

    Ibid., 61.

  7. 7.

    In a series of articles, John Gillingham traces much of this to the development of chivalry in England after the conquest as it narrowed the range of appropriate targets for vengeance. See Idem, “The Beginnings of English Imperialism,” Journal of Historical Sociology 5 (1992): 392–409; idem, “Conquering the Barbarian: War and Chivalry in Twelfth-Century Britain,” Haskins Society Journal 4 (1992): 67–84; and idem, “1066 and the Introduction of Chivalry into England,” in Law and Government in Medieval England and Normandy: Essays in Honor of Sir James Holt, eds. George Garrett and John Hudson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 31–55.

  8. 8.

    Althoff, “Ira Regis,” 73.

  9. 9.

    Richard Kaeuper, “Vengeance and Mercy in Chivalric Menalité,” in Peace and Protection in the Middle Ages, eds. T.B. Lambert and David Rollason (Durham: Durham University Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2009), 176.

  10. 10.

    Strickland argues that this is because, “the necessity of a strong ruler to combat the lawlessness and centrifugality of the Norman baronage, ensuring peace to the peasantry and the Church, is a constant leitmotif.” Idem, War and Chivalry, 13. See also C. Holdsworth, “Ideas and Reality: Some Attempts to Control and Defuse War in the Twelfth Century,” in The Church and War, ed. W.J. Sheils, Studies in Ecclesiastical History 20 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983), 59–87; and Marjorie Chibnall, “Feudal Order in Orderic Vitalis,” Anglo-Norman Studies 1 (1978): 35–48.

  11. 11.

    EH, VI, 45. For more on his relationship to his nobility, see C. Warren Hollister, Henry I , ed. Amanda Clark Frost (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001); Green Henry I ; and Bartlett, England under the Normans, 202–218.

  12. 12.

    For more on the historiography of revolt see Justine Firnhaber-Baker, “Introduction: Medieval Revolt in Context,” in The Routledge History Handbook of Medieval Revolt, eds. Justine Firnhaber-Baker and Dirk Schoenaers (London: Routledge, 2017), 1–15. For Anglo-Norman rebellions see Matthew Strickland, “Against the Lord’s anointed,” 56–79; and Claire Valente, The Theory and Practice of Revolt in Medieval England (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003).

  13. 13.

    For more on his reign, see David Bates, William I (London: George Philip, 1989).

  14. 14.

    EH, IV, 75.

  15. 15.

    Ibid., IV, 75.

  16. 16.

    Dominique Barthélemy notes that these ideas go back at least to the Council of Trosly in 909 and the Council of Sainte-Macre in 935. Idem, “Feudal War in Tenth-Century France,” 110. See also Strickland, War and Chivalry, 78–97.

  17. 17.

    Winkler, Royal Responsibility, 101.

  18. 18.

    Karl Leyser, “Warfare in the Western European Middle Ages: The Moral Debate,” in Communications and Power in Medieval Europe: The Gregorian Revolution and Beyond, eds. Karl Leyser and Timothy Reuter (London: Hambledon, 1994), 201.

  19. 19.

    Roche, 125.

  20. 20.

    For more on the dangers of reading narratives for real rituals, see Philippe Buc, “‘Noch einmal 919:’ Of the Ritualized Demise of Kings and Political Rituals in General,” in Rituale, Zeichen, Werte, ed. Gerd Althoff (Munster: Rhema-Verlag, 2004), 151–178.

  21. 21.

    Throop, “Zeal, Anger and Vengeance,” 193.

  22. 22.

    EH, V, 25.

  23. 23.

    EH, IV, 83.

  24. 24.

    Strickland, “Against the Lord’s Anointed,” 61–64. He notes that there are only a few examples where rebels actively engaged the king personally in battle: Fagunduna (1075), Bourgtheroulde (1124), Dol and Fornham (1173), and the second battle of Lincoln (1217). Ibid., 66.

  25. 25.

    EH, II, 207. I Peter 2.17.

  26. 26.

    Ibid., II, 209. Proverbs 24.21.

  27. 27.

    HN, 79.

  28. 28.

    Ibid., 79.

  29. 29.

    Ibid., 79.

  30. 30.

    Quoted from Michael Winterbottom, “William of Malmesbury and the Normans,” Journal of Medieval Latin 20 (2010): 71–72.

  31. 31.

    Ibid., 72.

  32. 32.

    Ibid., 72.

  33. 33.

    Ibid., 73.

  34. 34.

    Ibid., 74.

  35. 35.

    Isa. 10:1–2.

  36. 36.

    Isa. 10:5–6.

  37. 37.

    Winkler, Royal Responsibility, 108.

  38. 38.

    Roche, 135.

  39. 39.

    Dagmar Schmidt, “For Blood, For Glory, and the Greater Good. Depicting a King’s Violence in 1066–1216 England,” in Gewaltgenuss, Zorn und Gelächter: die emotionale Seite der Gewalt in Literatur und Historiographie des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit, eds. Claudia Ansorge, Cora Dietl, and Titus Knäpper (Göttingen: V & R Unipress, 2015), 15. I disagree with some of his conclusions about the relationship between emotions, especially anger, and the evaluation of good kings. He argues that kings who did not show emotional restraint had a hard time justifying their violent actions. This book argues the opposite.

  40. 40.

    GG, 9.

  41. 41.

    Ibid., 11.

  42. 42.

    Ibid., 11.

  43. 43.

    Ibid., 11.

  44. 44.

    Ibid., 13.

  45. 45.

    Richard Kaeuper notes the role of mercy and forgiveness in sermon exemplum. It stresses that the truly chivalric knight would put away his anger and desire for revenge and instead forgive his transgressors. The righteousness of the knight’s actions is confirmed in the story by his reception by Christ on the cross. Idem, “Vengeance and Mercy in Chivalric Menalité,” 169.

  46. 46.

    Ibid., 178.

  47. 47.

    GG, 15.

  48. 48.

    Geoffrey Koziol has found a similar script for petitioning and supplication in tenth- and eleventh-century France. He also sees a shift from early rhetoric that reflected more late Roman administration to one that resembled more the language of prayer and liturgy. Idem, Begging Pardon and Favor: Ritual and Political Order in Early Medieval France (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992).

  49. 49.

    See Richard Barton, Lordship in the County of Maine, c. 890–1160 (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004).

  50. 50.

    Gerd Althoff, Otto III, trans. Phyllis Jestice (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003), 25.

  51. 51.

    Buc, The Dangers of Ritual.

  52. 52.

    For more on his rule, see Frank Barlow, William Rufus (London: Methuen, 1983).

  53. 53.

    EH, IV, 129.

  54. 54.

    Ibid., IV, 129.

  55. 55.

    Ibid., IV, 131. Chibnall notes that the poem is likely composed by Thierry of Saint-Trond, though medieval people thought it as the work of Ovid.

  56. 56.

    Ibid., IV, 133.

  57. 57.

    Matthew Strickland, “Military Technology and Political Resistance: Castles, Fleets and the Changing Face of Comital Rebellion in England and Normandy, c. 1026–1087,” in “The Making of Europe:” Essays in Honour of Robert Bartlett, eds. John Hudson and Sally Crumplin (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 145–183.

  58. 58.

    Gesta Stephani, 20.

  59. 59.

    Ibid., 20.

  60. 60.

    Ibid., 20.

  61. 61.

    Ibid., 20.

  62. 62.

    Ibid., 21.

  63. 63.

    EH, VI, 531.

  64. 64.

    Ibid., VI, 533.

  65. 65.

    Ibid., VI, 533.

  66. 66.

    Ibid., II, 227.

  67. 67.

    Ibid., II, 229.

  68. 68.

    Ibid., II, 229.

  69. 69.

    Ibid., II, 231.

  70. 70.

    Ibid., VI, 521.

  71. 71.

    Ibid., VI 521.

  72. 72.

    Ibid., VI, 523.

  73. 73.

    Ibid., VI, 523.

  74. 74.

    Ibid., VI, 523.

  75. 75.

    Ibid., VI, 523.

  76. 76.

    Ibid., VI, 159.

  77. 77.

    Ibid., VI, 161.

  78. 78.

    Ibid., II, 213.

  79. 79.

    Ibid., II, 213.

  80. 80.

    Gerd Althoff, “The Rule of Conflict,” 321. See also Idem, Die Macht der Rituale. Symbolik und Herrschaft im Mittelalter (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2003), 99–125. See also C. Warren Brown, Violence in Medieval Europe, 137–138.

  81. 81.

    EH, II, 213–215.

  82. 82.

    Ibid., II, 215.

  83. 83.

    Althoff, “Ira Regis,” 70.

  84. 84.

    For more on this noble family see Gérard Louise, La seigneurie de Bellême (Xe–XIIe siècles): Dévolution des pouvoirs territoriaux et construction d’une seigneurie de frontière aux confins de la Normandie et du Maine, á la charnière de l’an mil (Flers: Le Pays bas-normand, 1992–3), 2 vols. For a discussion on the characterization of Robert Bellême as dishonorable and shameful, see Strickland, War and Chivalry, 124–125; 199–200.

  85. 85.

    While in reference to a later period, Hanna Vollrath emphasizes the negotiation dimension of such meetings. See idem, “Rebels and Rituals: From Demonstrations of Enmity to Criminal Justice,” in Medieval Concepts of the Past: Ritual, Memory, and Historiography, eds. Gerd Althoff, Johannes Fried, and Patrick Geary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 89–110.

  86. 86.

    EH, VI, 21.

  87. 87.

    Ibid., VI, 21.

  88. 88.

    Ibid., VI, 23.

  89. 89.

    See Strickland, War and Chivalry and Gillingham, The English in the Twelfth Century.

  90. 90.

    EH, VI, 23.

  91. 91.

    For other examples of such “propaganda” see also Katherine Lack, “The De Obitu Willelmis: Propaganda for the Anglo-Norman Succession, 1087–88?” English Historical Review 505, no. 1 (2008): 1417–1456. For a reassessment of his rule and leadership, see Judith Green, “Robert Curthose Reassessed,” Anglo-Norman Studies 22 (2000): 95–116; Strickland, War and Chivalry, 77; 94. For an assessment that highlights more of Orderic’s veracity see George Garnett, “Robert Curthose: The Duke Who Lost His Trousers,” Anglo-Norman Studies 35 (2013): 213–243.

  92. 92.

    EH, VI, 23–25.

  93. 93.

    John Gillingham does make the point that this is all likely exaggeration in the service of praising Henry. He notes that there are no records of any aristocratic deaths in this period, unlike the chaos when William was a child. Idem, English in Twelfth Century, 211–212.

  94. 94.

    EH, VI, 25.

  95. 95.

    Ibid., VI, 31.

  96. 96.

    Ibid., VI, 31.

  97. 97.

    Ibid., VI, 31.

  98. 98.

    Ibid., VI, 31. See also Stephen D. White, “Politics of Anger,” 139.

  99. 99.

    GND, II, 221.

  100. 100.

    Ibid., II, 221.

  101. 101.

    Ibid., II, 221.

  102. 102.

    Ibid., II, 237.

  103. 103.

    Ibid., II, 239.

  104. 104.

    Ibid., II, 239.

  105. 105.

    L.J. Downer, ed. and trans., Leges Henrici Primi (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 109. It should be noted that some question the usability of this text for actual practice, as it is impossible to untangle what was from older sources, contemporary practice, or ideal legal theory. See Hudson, “Feud, Vengeance and Violence in England,” 41–42.

  106. 106.

    Hudson, The Formation of the English Common Law: Law and Society in England from the Norman Conquest to the Magna Carta (London: Longman, 1996), 24–51. See also Richard L. Keyser, “‘Agreement Supersedes Law, and Love Judgment:’ Legal Flexibility and Amicable Settlement in Early-Twelfth-Century England,” Law and History Review 30, no. 2 (2012): 37–87; Chibnall, Anglo-Norman England 1066–1166 (New York: Blackwell, 1986), 170–172; and Judith Green, The Government of England under Henry I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 95–100.

  107. 107.

    EH, VI, 215.

  108. 108.

    Ibid., VI, 217.

  109. 109.

    Strickland, War and Chivalry, 98–104.

  110. 110.

    Ibid., VI, 417.

  111. 111.

    Ibid., VI, 83.

  112. 112.

    Ibid., VI, 83.

  113. 113.

    Ibid., VI, 83.

  114. 114.

    Ibid., VI, 83.

  115. 115.

    In general, Kirsten Fenton argues that William of Malmesbury was more likely to approve of royal violence if it served a larger moral cause. Idem, Gender, Nation and Conquest, 39–40. For more on his favorable treatment of King William I, see Winkler, Royal Responsibility, 190–194.

  116. 116.

    GRA, I, 463.

  117. 117.

    EH, II 319.

  118. 118.

    GND, II, 33–35.

  119. 119.

    Ibid., II, 33–35.

  120. 120.

    See John Gillingham, “William of Newburgh and Emperor Henry VI,” in Auxilia Historica. Festschrift für Pwter Acht zum 90. Geburtstag, ed. W. Koch, A. Schmid and W. Volkert (Munich: Beck, 2001), 51–72.

  121. 121.

    Ibid., 69.

  122. 122.

    Ibid., 69.

  123. 123.

    Ibid., 69.

  124. 124.

    Ibid., 69–71.

  125. 125.

    Björn Weiler, “William of Malmesbury, King Henry I, and the Gesta Regum Anglorum,” Anglo-Norman Studies 31 (2008): 157–176.

  126. 126.

    GRA, I, 743.

  127. 127.

    Ibid., I, 321.

  128. 128.

    WM, I, 321.

  129. 129.

    GND, II, 165.

  130. 130.

    For more on his brief rule, see Emma Mason, The House of Godwine: The History of a Dynasty (London: Hambledon, 2004); Ian Walker, Harold : The Last Anglo-Saxon King (Stroud: Sutton, 1997).

  131. 131.

    EH, V, 301.

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    Kate McGrath

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McGrath, K. (2019). Righteous Royal Rage. In: Royal Rage and the Construction of Anglo-Norman Authority, c. 1000-1250. Palgrave Studies in the History of Emotions. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11223-3_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11223-3_3

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  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

  • Print ISBN: 978-3-030-11222-6

  • Online ISBN: 978-3-030-11223-3

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