Abstract
In 2010, I visited a friend in Moscow—let us call her Mehrangis—who is Tajik by nationality and Muslim by conviction. The latter identity is very important to her, and she regularly studies religious texts in order to live up to an imagined ideal of “Muslimness.” In 2008, Mehrangis travelled from the Central Asian post-Soviet republic of Tajikistan to join her husband (he holds a Russian passport but hails from the same village in Tajikistan), who works as a trader in a bazaar on the outskirts of Moscow. While we were sitting and talking in Mehrangis’s Moscow apartment about the events in her village, she shared a recent experience with me: her husband had found an article about the military events in their native village and gave it to her to read. The article, she explained, began by describing the actors in the conflict as “terrorists,” and she felt disgusted by the malice of these fighters, who to her were anything but Muslims. In the last paragraph, the names of the terrorists who had been killed were listed, and she found her cousin’s name amongst them. How could the person portrayed as a terrorist by both the press and the Tajik state also be seen as a mujahid fighter in certain Islamist circles and be her respected cousin all at the same time? Was this just a matter of perspective? Did each really refer to the same thing or person? What does it mean for an individual to experience his or her relation to a person simultaneously as cousin, as terrorist, and as mujahid? The relationship between linguistic terms and the things they purport to describe can be misleading, not just because it is only experiences that have a name that are then taken to exist, but also because concepts and percepts often do not operate on the same ontological and epistemological principles.
Chapter 1 introduces the reader to the phenomena of jihad, mujahid, shahid, terrorist and terrorism. This introduction is not exhaustive as its primary purpose is, first, to identify and discuss in a general manner the origin of these terms and, second, to outline how these terms link to Central Asia. The next chapters will not continue this discussion, but will turn instead to the experiences of these phenomena and their use as concepts to interpret events.
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Notes
- 1.
For the safety of the informants, I have kept most of their names anonymous. However, the names of religious authorities, Tajik intellectuals, and well-known people have been retained.
- 2.
The study of the self as the experiential dimension of the individual who exercises choice within contingent circumstances of the lived world and the dispositions that are trained and learned, begins with Aristotle and has more recently been developed over several decades among social anthropologists. For this book, the study by Johan Rasanayagam (2011) is the most relevant. His conceptualization of morality as “transcendence” emphasizes the values and commitments that shape the self. “Experience is itself moral by being located in what I call moral sources” (Rasanayagam 2011, 14).” These are not sacred texts, norms, and rituals as systems or codes, but they “are the transcendent locations in relation to which experience is apprehended.” With this approach, Rasanayagam offers an explanation to the post-Soviet paradox that Muslims in Central Asia experience between restrictive political systems and the development of the moral self. His examination of experience introduces the relevance of quality and mediation of the term, so far primarily used as if it were neutral.
- 3.
Consider, for example, the following excerpt from a speech made in Cairo by then US President Barack Obama on June 4, 2009: “I have come here [to Cairo] to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect. […] We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.” New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/04/us/politics/04obama.text.html; See also A Necessary Engagement: Reinventing America’s Relations with the Muslim World, by Emile Nakhleh (2009), former director of the CIA’s Political Islam Strategic Analysis Program.
- 4.
Ribāṭ was a fortification at the edge of the territory of Islam (dār al-islām) housing groups engaged in jihad from the eighth century onward.
- 5.
Farhad Khosrokhavar (2005) provides a contemporary sociological interpretation of jihad and shahid with regard to developments in Iran and Europe. He explains that this is particularly important in Europe, where one deals with secular Muslim youth who re-Islamize only at a second stage and in opposition to their traditionally oriented Muslim parents.
- 6.
I will not discuss the literature that treats jihad as a Muslim apocalypse, which (as much as it may be relevant for earlier periods) does not help understand contemporary jihad; on the contrary, it is a way to declare the Muslim Other as being “irrational and apolitical,” which does not meet the aims of today’s Muslim activists. For information on the Muslim apocalypse, see Cook (2011, 193–227).
- 7.
- 8.
John Heathershaw and David Montgomery (2014, 12) note that only two percent of the people recognized Qutb’s name in a survey carried out by them; thus, we should not overestimate his impact on people in Central Asia.
- 9.
A selection of biographies of scholars who studied Arabic can be found in the book Central Asian Intellectuals on Islam (Roche ed. 2014).
- 10.
See for instance the role of Mikul’skii in Tajikistan (Roche and Faizulloev 2014).
- 11.
This is not unique to Central Asia. In fact, several scholars (Schmid and Jongman 1988; McFate 2005; Utvik 2011) have pointed out that the study of the Islamist movement suffers from a double-distancing: “the researcher tends, first, to remain unnecessarily removed from Islamic movements as the object of study and, second, to study those movements at a distance from the society in which they grow and in which they compete for support” (Utvik 2011, 141).
- 12.
A full discussion of the IMU is outside the scope of this chapter. It should, however, be mentioned that the history of the IMU goes back to a popular movement in the Ferghana Valley that was ousted by the Uzbek regime and moved to Afghanistan. Little is known about the IMU, but it serves as the link between violent groups in Central Asia and a global terrorist group, a macro-narrative that will be discussed in Chap. 5.
- 13.
- 14.
Scholars in Tajikistan believe that these activists were Hindustani’s own students, but since the letters are anonymous this is not fully clear.
- 15.
- 16.
I thank Stéphane Dudoignon for drawing my attention to such crucial historical details.
- 17.
- 18.
Azzam was the main organizer of recruitment in the U.S. for the Afghan jihad under the protection of the CIA. The Palestinian joined the Muslim Brothers in 1967 and taught in different universities in Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan, and was particularly interested in recruiting youth for jihad. (Boukra 2011, 324–326). Regarding his life and jihadi activities, see Lohlker (2009, 56–61).
- 19.
At the conference “Islam in Central Asia: Politics, Society, and Resistance” held on 24–25 November 2012 at the Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, Exeter University, as part of the Arab Centre for Research and Strategic Studies and Illegitimate Violence in Islamic Thought Project. I had an opportunity to talk to him afterwards about jihad literature in Tajikistan and the role al-Qaeda may have played.
- 20.
For a discussion about how jihad influences kinship, see Chap. 8.
- 21.
For the positioning of Tajik Salafi within this distinction, see Chap. 2.
- 22.
All interviews were conducted in Tajik and translated by the author, unless otherwise noted.
- 23.
Besides IS and ISIL, ISIS and DAESH have become common terms to speak about the Syrian and Iraqi Islamists. DAESH or DAISH is an abbreviation for the historical region of Iraq and Syria but dais (pronounced similarly) in Arabic is a pejorative word meaning suppress and daish is used for a fanatic or a person who forces his or her will onto others (Irshaid 2015).
- 24.
A concise introduction to the topic with multiple examples can be found in Bock (2009).
- 25.
These are excerpts from a speech President George W. Bush gave via satellite to Eastern European leaders and from a joint news conference with French President Jacques Chirac, printed by CNN.com for their strategic importance.
- 26.
Bock (2009, 60) has noticed that it does not make sense to declare war on either terror or terrorism because one is an emotional condition and the other a strategy.
- 27.
“You are either with us or against us,” November 6, 2001. CNN.com/U.S., September 22, 2001, 8.
- 28.
In Chap. 5 I return to Stratfor, as it was one of the main think tanks to have reported on the 2010–2011 military interventions.
- 29.
Jörg Becker (2016) provides a critical review of a media report on Afghanistan. The media established Islam and Muslims as the enemy per se.
- 30.
- 31.
McFate (2005) argues that additional cultural knowledge is required to fight counterinsurgency operations and that this should be coming from ethnographers! However, the engagement of social anthropology for military purposes has been heavily criticized as an ethical issue: see the American Anthropological Association’s 2012 “Statement on Ethics.”
- 32.
I will postpone addressing these works to the chapters where I discuss them in relation to my own material. Among others, these include Mariam Abou Zahab (2011) on Pakistan and Werner Schiffauer (2000) on Germany and the research of Carolin Görzig with the project “How ‘terrorists’ learn” at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle.
- 33.
Gaidar Jamal, who was one of the founders of the all Soviet Union Islamic Revival Party, has survived the independence process in Russia without any trouble (Sibgatullina and Kemper 2017). Unlike the other sections of his party, he did not establish an Islamic party, but remained an independent scholar still much involved in the activities of religious opposition movements in Central Asia. His personal homepage provides material on political Islam, among other topics, including material about the IS. In October 2014, Jamal produced an article that was meant to provide insight into the “real life” of the IS. The article, Почему мы ничего не знаем об ISIS? (Why don’t we know anything about the ISIS?), blames biased reporting for producing an “incorrect picture.” The article was, however, soon removed from the website, just like the other pro-IS articles, and is now only available on external sites. Why did he feel the need to defend the IS at this time? While I do not have any proof, it coincides with an open recruitment in Moscow’s mosques that I could observe and—at least to an outsider—an impression that Russia’s leadership was if not promoting, then at least tolerating young men leaving for jihad in Syria at this specific period. The article had, however, already circulated among Tajik migrants in Russia.
- 34.
“Die Macht des Terrorismus besteht darin, unsere Wahrnehmung zu beeinflussen, ihn stärker und gefährlicher erscheinen zu lassen als er eigentlich ist” (Bock 2009, 8).
- 35.
According to Waldmann (2005), guerrilla campaigns differ from terrorism because they target security institutions and profit from popular backing in parts of the population, while terrorists have little backing within the population. Guerrilla warfare is waged to occupy space, terrorism the mind (17). However, “Be it a terrorist cell, militia, a guerrilla movement or a revolutionary army, all these organisations of violence tend to develop in the same way.” (1999, 71)
- 36.
In an interview, the leader of the IRPT has reemphasized that they will continue their activities in a peaceful struggle (Khamidova 2016).
- 37.
- 38.
To date, no picture of Mullo Abdullo has appeared either on the internet or in any newspapers. Even after having been killed twice (he was declared dead both in 2008 and again in 2011), he remains a ghostly figure, who serves to relate conflicts in the Qarategin Valley to al-Qaeda.
- 39.
For a contextualized discussion of similar terms, see Rasanayagam (2011).
- 40.
This has been discussed in social anthropology by distinguishing between scriptural Islam and everyday practices, between the literary Great Tradition and the Little Tradition or rural and folk tradition (Gellner 1995, 5, 80; Geertz 1968). However, such a clear distinction has been rejected as artificial and failing to capture processes and developments (see, for instance, Varisco 2005).
- 41.
An interview on Tout-Monde posted on his website, http://www.edouardglissant.fr/.
- 42.
See the interview in zeitenblick.de, http://www.zeitenblicke.de/2012/1/Interview/. Juneja’s interview can be read as a summary of the work of the scholars at the Heidelberg Cluster of Transcultural Studies in Heidelberg. For more than a decade these scholars have discussed and shaped the concept “transculturality.” This book is the result of my participation in this academic community and of discussing and reflecting on the term against my own empirical material.
- 43.
For Glissant, history is not to be understood as structures in sequences of filiation, and time is not flowing (Coursil 1999, 89).
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Roche, S. (2019). Introduction. In: The Faceless Terrorist. Transcultural Research – Heidelberg Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03843-4_1
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