Abstract
The majority of Latin Americans now live in countries that are governed by democratically elected governments on the political left, which is unprecedented in that region. This book analyzes this occurrence by asking a question that up until now has been largely ignored in the literature on the contemporary Latin American left: to what extent have these governments governed with, and promoting the interests of, the women’s movements that are an important part of their base of support? This question is examined by focusing on a critical case that is rarely analyzed in the literature on the new Latin American left, the case of Nicaragua. The broader implications for Latin America will be shown, making this book of interest to researchers and graduate students in Latin American studies as well as gender studies and political science.
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Notes
- 1.
I am thankful for Florence Babb, Nadine Jubb, Ken Morris, Duane Oldfield and Maaria Seppanen’s thoughtful feedback on this study. I also thank the members of my research study group at Knox College – David Bunde, Andy Civettini, Danielle Fatkin, and Emre Sencer – for their helpful and entertaining support, to Helen Hapner for her research assistance, and to Knox College and the Mellon Foundation for funding many trips to do research in Nicaragua. This study draws on hundreds of interviews of people from across the political spectrum (plus numerous informal conversations) conducted during the approximately 2 years I spent in the country over the course of the years 1988–2008.
- 2.
The Contras, short for counter-revolutionaries, were a guerrilla force led largely by former members of the Somoza dictatorship’s National Guard and funded, almost entirely, by the administration of US President Ronald Reagan. As the war neared its end in 1988, 58,000 people, out of a population of a little over 3 million, had been killed (Vilas 1995:138). As the Reagan administration’s role in the Contra war violated international law, the International Court at the Hague ordered the United States to pay indemnity for its undeclared war against the Central American nation. In March of 1988 the cost of the indemnity was set at 17 billion dollars, which was how much the war was calculated to have cost Nicaragua (INEC 1990:58). That indemnity was never paid.
- 3.
The feminist magazine, La Boletina, which has been published approximately every other month since 1991 by the Fundación Puntos de Encuentro has a circulation of 26,000 (available at http://boletina.puntos.org.ni/). That is larger than the circulation of any other magazine in Nicaragua. The feminist soap opera Sexto Sentido – which addresses issues such as domestic violence, rape, abortion, and homophobia – is also produced by the staff of Puntos de Encuentro. It drew 70% of the audience in its time slot in 2001, which was its first year on the air.
- 4.
- 5.
A nice example of this discourse, pitting poor women’s class interests against their gender interests, was used by Dorothy Granada, who had been defended by feminist groups when she was a target of President Arnoldo Alemán’s anti-NGO campaign in 2000 and 2001. “The development worker Dorothy [Granada] surprisingly broke off from the movements that defend therapeutic abortion, like the Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres (MAM), arguing again and again that they that they are groups that defend ‘partisan interests like those of the US empire, which has an interest in destablizing the government.” [Granada] had become a symbol for those movements, in 2000, upon being practically thrown out of Mulukukú by former president Arnoldo Alemán (Partido Liberal Constitucionalista or PLC), who accused her of giving priority, in her clinic, just to Sandinistas, and of serving members of the FUAC, an armed organization that was implicated in robberies, murders, and kidnappings in that area. At that time, the American development worker received support from the Coordinadora Civil, headed by Ana Quirós, one of the woman that, along with Sofía Montenegro is now on the government’s black list. [Granada] repeated that the local proabortion organizations are those that do the least to meet the needs of poor women, ‘the needs of those women whose nails get full of mud as they seek to make enough to eat, and I see that the right and the US is using them, and who knows who else,’ she mentioned, hinting that this is the great difference between the persecution against her and that against those movements” (Aguilera 2008). Granada, who in the past has called herself a feminist, drew upon a standard antifeminist slur, suggesting that activists who worked to protect reproductive health were tools of foreigners, an accusation that she herself faced when attacked by Arnoldo Alemán (Kampwirth 2003). She also made the argument, which is common within the traditional left, that poor women’s problems are problems of class, not gender. But of course everybody has both class and gender interests and in practice it is often hard to separate the two. While nobody plans to have a high-risk pregnancy, poor women are much more vulnerable than wealthier women who do not depend on the public healthcare system and who, in the worst of cases, could often afford to leave the country to get an abortion.
- 6.
The new literacy program was named “Desde Martí Hasta Fidel,” a not so subtle way of identifying current policies as a continuation of the Latin American revolutionary tradition (Spaulding 2009:370).
- 7.
It is worth noting that despite sharing a name, Nicaragua’s Zero Hunger is totally different than Brazil’s tremendously successful Zero Hunger program (part of a larger program known as Bolsa Familia) which is a direct cash transfer program in which poor families are given small stipends, partially in exchange for immunizing their children and keeping them in school (Baiocchi and Checa 2008). Because one does not have to have land to be eligible for the Brazilian program, it has a greater impact than the Nicaraguan one in raising the caloric intake of the poorest people in an immediate way (at the same time as it improves the health and educational opportunities of the next generation).
- 8.
Given how polarized debates are among Sandinistas were during the second Ortega administration, it is worth noting that Alejandro Martínez Cuenca’s findings cannot be dismissed as politically biased. “The economist Alejandro Martínez Cuenca, who was Minister of Planning for the Sandinista government in the 1980s, sought the presidential nomination from the FSLN and has been critical of Daniel Ortega’s leadership” (Radio La Primerísima 2010b).
- 9.
Dora María Téllez was a top commander during the guerrilla struggle in the 1970s, one of the most prominent Sandinista leaders in the 1980s, a member of the FSLN National Directorate in the early 1990s, and cofounder, with former vice president Sergio Ramírez, of the dissident Sandinista party, the MRS, in 1995. She is arguably the most high profile opponent of the politics of the second Ortega administration, among other things, carrying out a hunger strike in June 2008 in protest of what she saw as Daniel Ortega’s dictatorial politics.
- 10.
Propietarias are the “owners” of an electoral office while suplentes are their substitutes. Both are elected but normally it is the propietaria who votes; in her absence the suplente votes.
- 11.
“Nicaragua has been host to a series of surveys that suggested some of the highest levels of domestic violence encountered anywhere in the world, with two studies from the 1990s showing over a fifth of the women encountering severe physical abuse. A quarter of rural men in one survey said it was alright to beat a woman if she neglects the children or the house, and 10% thought it acceptable for refusal of sex. Only 17% of victims in one study told the police about the offence” (UN Office on Drugs and Crime 2007:65–66). According to statistics reported by the nongovernmental Women’s Network Against Violence, reported rapes increased dramatically during the last decade (including the first two years of the second Ortega administration). “In 2000 the Comisarías de la Mujer…received reports of 4000 cases of interfamily sexual violence, but in 2009 the figure had increased to 31,000 reports” (Agencia DPA 2010). That may be because sexual violence has increased, or it may be because there are now more governmental and nongovernmental efforts to stop such violence, and more social support for victims of violence.
- 12.
Martha Solano Martínez (2009) reproduces the exact language of the Penal Code that was passed in 2007, codifying the 2006 ban. The ban is addressed in several articles of the Penal Code, with different penalties for a person who performs an abortion with the woman’s consent, for the woman who has the abortion, and for a person who causes a woman to “abort” in the course of hitting her (in Spanish the word “aborto” is used for both abortion and miscarriage; there is no distinction in the Penal Code). A person who performs an abortion will be sent to prison for 3–6 years if it is performed without the woman’s consent or if the woman [sic] is under 16 years old, or 1–4 years in prison if the woman is 16 or older and she consents. If the abortion leads to injury to the woman, the penalty is 4–10 years and if it leads to her death, the penalty is 6–10 years in prison. If the person who performs the abortion is a doctor, surgeon, pharmacist, or midwife, the penalty is 5–10 years in prison (Article 162). If the abortion was performed to “cover up the dishonor of the woman” either by herself or with the help of another, then the penalty is less severe, 1–2 years in prison and 3–6 years if the woman dies (Article 163). In contrast, if the abortion [i.e., miscarriage] occurs because someone is hitting or committing violence against a woman but he only intends to beat her up, not to cause a miscarriage, then the penalty is 6 months to two years in prison (Article 164). So performing a safe abortion (i.e., one that does not lead to the woman’s death or injury) with the woman’s consent is penalized with up to 10 years in prison while beating up a woman and leading her to miscarry is penalized with no more than 2 years in prison.
- 13.
-Year-old Francis Zamora, who died as a result of a miscarriage, was one of the many victims of the ban on therapeutic abortion though she herself never sought a therapeutic abortion. Zamora’s mother (quoted in Sirias 2007) explained: “They let my daughter die, the doctors at Alemán [Hospital] told me that they could not do the curettage [legrado] until she expelled the fetus. She suffered from when we arrived on the January 25 in the morning, until four in the afternoon the next day when she expelled the fetus…. They told me they could not do anything, that the laws in the country had changed and that they had to wait until the fetus came out on its own. Maybe if they had done the curettage earlier, she would not have died.”
- 14.
See Cabrales Aráuz (2010:172–196) for the full text of the Ley de Igualdad de Derechos y Oportunidades.
- 15.
A medical doctor, Ana María Pizarro was born in Argentina, joined El Salvador’s FMLN when she was living in Costa Rica in 1980, and when in 1982 she learned that she was in danger of being extradited to El Salvador (where she would have faced near certain torture and death) she fled to revolutionary Nicaragua. She has lived there ever since. In the 1980s, she worked with the health ministry and AMNLAE (Asociación de Mujeres Nicaragüenses Luisa Amanda Espinoza), especially on women’s health. In 1991, she founded the feminist clinic Sí Mujer (Servicios Integrales para la Mujer), and she became a naturalized Nicaraguan citizen in 1996. A prominent advocate for reproductive health rights and a member of the MAM (Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres), she was a target of both Arnoldo Alemán’s and Daniel Ortega’s campaigns against the NGO sector, campaigns that I will discuss later.
- 16.
Article 204 read: “Anyone who induces, promotes, propagandizes or practices sex between people of the same sex in a scandalous way commits the crime of sodomy. It will be penalized with one to three years of prison.” In reality, Article 204 was rarely applied but its existence was intimidating to LGBT Nicaraguans, and to anybody who wished to publicly support gay rights.
- 17.
An overview of abortion policy in Latin America is notable in that there seems to be no pattern distinguishing countries governed by left-wing and right-wing presidents (Aquevedo 2009). With the exception of Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega, none of the new left presidents promoted a ban of abortion to save the life of the woman, but in the countries where such bans were already in place (Chile and El Salvador), the election of a leftist did not result in a restoration of limited abortion rights.
- 18.
Hugo Chávez’s announcement that he is a feminist, and that all socialists should be feminists, signals real evolution in his thinking since he became president more than a decade ago. “Chávez named no new women to his first cabinet…or to high-ranking positions. His language was sexist (i.e. off-color jokes in public) and his actions paternalistic; he spoke to and about women only as self-sacrificing mothers and victims of poverty and racism. Then it was revealed that CONAMU [the state women’s ministry]’s budget would be cut by 80 percent, and rumors circulated that Chávez planned to name the wife of a military officer as its director. Among the persons he hand-picked for the constituent assembly, there were few women (less than 5 percent)” (Rakowski and Espina 2010:261). Rakowski and Espina argue that the role of women in Chávez’s “Bolivarian Revolution” changed as a result of the educational efforts of women from parties that sympathized with Chávez’s government along with the efforts of feminists within civil society.
- 19.
Others have also found leftists politicians to be relatively willing to appoint women to key positions. In their study of 18 Latin American democracies from 1980 to 2003, Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor Robinson (2005) found that presidents from left-wing parties were more likely to appoint women to cabinet positions than presidents from right-wing parties.
- 20.
The BBC article, which is written in English, says that the Constitution “allows civil marriage for gay partners.” Though I have not read the Constitution, I have read enough articles in Spanish related to the Constitution that I am confident that this is a mistranslation, “civil marriage” should be “civil union,” a rather different thing.
- 21.
From this point on, I am referring to the pink tide countries, which do not include Cuba. For decades Cuba has been the only Latin American country in which women have enjoyed full reproductive rights, including the unqualified right to abortion. The question for the pink tide presidents is why they have been much stronger on LGBT rights than reproductive rights. The question for Cuba is the opposite, why it has historically been so bad on LGBT rights despite its progressive stance on reproductive rights.
- 22.
The ban on therapeutic abortion and the abolition of antigay Article 204 were part of the same revision of the Penal Code. But while the politics of therapeutic abortion were a near constant in press coverage of the Penal Code from August to November of 2006, the press was close to silent on the implications of the Penal Code for LGBT rights during that same period. When I did interviews with proponents and opponents of therapeutic abortion (in November and December of that year), only one person mentioned, almost in passing, that the new Penal Code was going to eliminate Article 204 (and she, an opponent of therapeutic abortion, was unhappy that “sodomy” was going to be legalized). I brought that up when I presented my research in mid-December 2006 to a gathering of perhaps 40 feminist activists at the very gay friendly feminist NGO Puntos de Encuentro, asking if they were aware that Article 204 was about to be eliminated. There was some mumbling in the crowd and someone said, yes that was true, but just as quickly they dropped the topic of Article 204 to return to therapeutic abortion.
- 23.
In my experience, pro-pact sentiments were far more muted than anti-pact sentiments. Supporters of the FSLN and PLC sometimes argue that it was a necessary evil, or sometimes they just accept it even though they are embarrassed that the leader of their party would make agreements with his main political enemy. In contrast, anti-pact sentiment is a strong motivating force for many people and they are proud to oppose the pact.
- 24.
One result of the pact was that the electoral rules were changed so that a presidential candidate could win on the first round with only 40% of the vote or 35% if there were at least five points between him and the next runner up. Without that rule change, Ortega, who only received 38% of the votes, would not have been elected president.
- 25.
Depending on which axis one considers in evaluating the 2006 election, the conclusions are completely different. The official results in 2006 were Ortega (FSLN, pro-Sandinista and pro-pact) 38%, Montealegre (ALN anti-Sandinista and anti-pact) 29%, Rizo (PLC, anti-Sandinista and pro-pact) 26%, and Jarquín (MRS, pro-Sandinista and anti-pact) 6%. “This result, seen from the perspective of the old ‘Sandinista vs. anti-Sandinista’ cleavage shows a 3:2 vote ratio against Ortega…. Nonetheless, if one instead focuses on the Alemán-Ortega pact angle, the new president enjoys a comfortable majority given that 66% of the voters favored a strong-man and hyper-presidential style candidate” (Martí i Puig and Close 2009:28).
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Kampwirth, K. (2011). Latin America’s New Left and the Politics of Gender. In: Latin America's New Left and the Politics of Gender. SpringerBriefs in Political Science, vol 2. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0359-3_1
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