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From a Fault Line to a Catalyst: An Emerging Korean Confederation and the Contour of a Northeast Asian Security Community?

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Towards a Northeast Asian Security Community

Part of the book series: The Political Economy of the Asia Pacific ((PEAP))

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Abstract

We have much ado about various scenarios of forming a regional community in East Asia. So far, many ideas and initiatives were centered on establishing a regional community bringing together the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its three Northeast Asian partners – China, Japan, and South Korea. The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) has also been in operation as a regional security dialogue with the participation of 27 countries interested in the promotion of security in East Asia. Does the ARF have any potential of evolving into a regional security alliance, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)? Why does the idea of forming a security community appear controversial in East Asia, especially in Northeast Asia? Clearly, one of the stumbling blocks is the presence of the lingering Cold War-like security landscape in Northeast Asia, represented by the two divided states of China and Korea. In particular, the Korean divide, described as a major fault line partitioning Northeast Asia into two blocs, has been the locus of attention at the turn of the twenty-first century because of North Korea’s development of nuclear and missile programs and the protracted issue of regime survival. Though rare in Northeast Asia’s security landscape, two ad hoc multinational talks – four-party talks (1997–1998) and six-party talks (2003–?) – have been convened to address a multitude of problems emanating from the Korean divide, highlighting a linkage between the Korean issues and regional security.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    T.J. Pempel (ed.) (2005) Remapping East Asia: The Constitution of a Region, Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

  2. 2.

    Samuel S. Kim (ed.) (2003) The International Relations of Northeast Asia, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

  3. 3.

    See the CIA World Factbook at http://https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ch.html

  4. 4.

    Gerrit Gong (1984) “The Standard of ‘Civilisation’ in International Society,” in Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (eds.) The Expansion of International Society, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  5. 5.

    New York Times, 24 September 2008.

  6. 6.

    For instance, Sejong Institute identifies 2020 as a year for the formation of a Korean confederation. See Chung Sung-jang (ed.) (2005) Hankukui kukajollyak 2020: Taebuk tongil (South Korea’s State Strategy 2020: Unification with North Korea), Seoul: Sejong Institute. Carl E . Haselden, Jr . forecasts that the political settlement on unification could be reached by 2015. See Carl E. Haselden, Jr. (2002) “The Effects of Korean Unification on the US Military Presence in Northeast Asia,” Parameters 32: 120–7.

  7. 7.

    Myung-lim Park (2004) “Tongbuka pyonghwagongdongcheui hyongsonggwa chonmang (The formation and prospects of a peace community in Northeast Asia),” available at http://220.72.21.30/pub/docu/kr/AG/08/AG082004XBL/AG08-2004-XBL-001.PDF

  8. 8.

    Yanbian University Professor Kim Kang-il attributed economic backwardness in China’s three northeastern provinces to the Korean division. See Yonhap News, 2 October 2008.

  9. 9.

    The idea of the Korean-Mongolian confederation is already being circulated on various occasions with seminars on the topic being organized and a maverick South Korean presidential candidate arguing on a TV program that the Korean–Mongolian unification should come first before an inter-Korean unity.

  10. 10.

    Alexander Wendt (2003) “Why a World State is Inevitable,” European Journal of International Relations 9(4): 491–542.

  11. 11.

    Peter J. Katzenstein (2005) A World of Regions: Asia and Europe in the American Imperium, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, p. 1.

  12. 12.

    For various types of a regional order, see Kim, The International Relations of Northeast Asia, p. 53.

  13. 13.

    The Observer, 28 September 2008.

  14. 14.

    Soung-chul Kim (2008) “Multilateral Security and Economic Cooperation in Northeast Asia,” Sejong Policy Studies 4(2): 265–98.

  15. 15.

    For the definition of a regime, see Steven Krasner (1982) “Structural causes and Regime Consequences: Regimes as Intervening Variables,” International Organization 36(2): 185–205.

  16. 16.

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  17. 17.

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  18. 18.

    Aaron L. Friedberg (1993/1994) “Ripe for Rivalry: Prospects for Peace in a Multipolar Asia,” International Security 18(3): 5–33.

  19. 19.

    Kim (2003) International Relations of Northeast Asia; David C. Kang (2003) “Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical Frameworks,” International Security 27(4): 57–85.

  20. 20.

    See “The Future of Regional Stability and Regional Security Mechanisms in the Asia-Pacific Region,” Security Issues in the Asia-Pacific Region, National Institute for Defense Studies, Japan, and Center for Military and Strategic Studies, General Staff of the Armed Forces, Russia, NIDS Joint Research Series No. 2, March 2008, Chapter 3.

  21. 21.

    Haselden, “The Effects of Korean Unification on the US Military Presence in Northeast Asia.”

  22. 22.

    T.J. Pempel (2007) “Regionalism in Northeast Asia: An American Perspective,” Regional Integration in Northeast Asia: Issues and Strategies, A Policy Paper, University of Incheon.

  23. 23.

    See the speech of South Korean Foreign Minister Song Min-soon at http://news.mofat.go.kr/enewspaper/articleview.php?master=&aid=685&ssid=11&mvid=479

  24. 24.

    See the website of the Japan External Trade Organization at http://www.jetro.go.jp/en/news/releases/20080229066-news

  25. 25.

    David Leheny (2006) “A Narrow Place to Cross Swords: Soft Power and the Politics of Japanese Popular Culture in East Asia,” in Peter J. Katzenstein and Takashi Shiraishi (eds.) Beyond Japan: The Dynamics of East Asian Regionalism, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, pp. 211–33; Katzenstein (2005) A World of Regions, pp. 162–7.

  26. 26.

    Mainichi Shimbun, 6 August 1997.

  27. 27.

    Jin-kyoo Yoo (2000) Sajahoedam gyonggwawa pukhanui hyopsangjollyak (The Progress of the Four-Party Talks and North Korea’s Negotiation Strategy), Seoul: Korea Research Institute for Strategy.

  28. 28.

    Yonhap News, 2 September 2008.

  29. 29.

    Kim, International Relations of Northeast Asia, pp. 11–12.

  30. 30.

    Key-young Son (2006) South Korean Engagement Policies and North Korea: Identities, Norms and the Sunshine Policy, London: Routledge.

  31. 31.

    See the Final Report at http://www.aseansec.org/viewpdf.asp?file=/pdf/easg.pdf

  32. 32.

    New York Times, 20 October 2004.

  33. 33.

    Donga Ilbo, 15 August 2008.

  34. 34.

    See one of The Australian (16 October 2006) articles published after North Korea’s nuclear test, titled “China may back coup against Kim”.

  35. 35.

    Andrei Lankov (2007) “The Gentle Decline of the ‘Third Korea’.” Asia Times, 16 August. Available at http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/IH16Ad01.html

  36. 36.

    Shindonga, 1 June 2007.

  37. 37.

    Donga Ilbo, 18 May 2006.

  38. 38.

    Kenneth Waltz (1979) Theory of International Politics, New York: McGraw-Hill; David Singer and Karl Deutsch (1964) “Multipolar Power Systems and International Stability,” World Politics 16(3): 390–406.

  39. 39.

    Alyson J. K. Bailes, Pál Dunay, Pan Guang and Mikhail Troitskiy (2007) The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) Policy Paper No. 17.

  40. 40.

    See Hankyoreh’s (2 January 2002) interview with Professor Chen Pengjun of Beijing University, who highlighted the possibility of a unified Korea taking an equidistance, peace-oriented, neutral diplomacy.

  41. 41.

    Gérard Roland (2007) “European Integration: What Lessons for Northeast Asia?,” Regional Integration in Northeast Asia: Issues and Strategies, A Policy Paper, University of Incheon.

  42. 42.

    Amitav Acharya (2004) “How Ideas Spread: Whose Norms Matter? Norm Localization and Institutional Change in Asian Regionalism,” International Organization 58(2): 239–75.

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Son, Ky. (2011). From a Fault Line to a Catalyst: An Emerging Korean Confederation and the Contour of a Northeast Asian Security Community?. In: Seliger, B., Pascha, W. (eds) Towards a Northeast Asian Security Community. The Political Economy of the Asia Pacific. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-9657-2_2

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