Abstract
Transport is a derived demand: that is, the use of transport is determined by economic and social forces external to transport. Demand for transport is related to costs, including labor, investment and energy, and to service quality (frequency, speed, reliability). Energy use in transport (the prime determinant of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions) is often only a minor percentage of total costs, so market forces alone often do not act to minimize GHG emissions. In addition, transport has social impacts, including air pollution, energy security, noise, human safety and traffic congestion, inter alia, few of which are effectively controlled by market forces. Finally, major suppliers and consumers of transport services are often publicly owned, which can act to insulate them from the normal incentives for either efficient or socially responsible behavior. Governments have responded to the need for better linkage between transport networks and their social impacts with a mixture of changes of institutional structure, ownership, and regulation. This paper discusses examples in which institutional shortcomings in developing (and sometimes developed) countries have acted to weaken or even defeat the implementation of scientific or engineering advances and outlines some cases in which changes have worked, with emphasis on the need to reach the right balance of science, technology, economics and public policy. The paper concludes that global warming is neither understood nor accepted by a significant portion of the world’s population and that implementation of GHG control programs will be difficult and at best severely hindered because of institutional weaknesses. The paper urges an intensive by scientists to explain GHG issues in terms that ordinary citizens can accept and support.
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Notes
- 1.
Some travelers do enjoy the “view out the window,” and certain kinds of Dutch Gin (Oude Genever) are put on ships for purposes of aging, but these exceptions serve to prove the rule.
- 2.
It is an interesting speculation whether a requirement that each transport ticket or document contain an estimate of the GHGs emitted by the trip or shipment – similar to statements of nutritional content (or absence thereof) in restaurants – would have any impact.
- 3.
As discussed later, this assumes that the transport provider actually faces the market cost of energy – an assumption that is generally invalid. See Fig. 18.1.
- 4.
Nature, p. 1173, 29 October 2009.
- 5.
Nature, p. 545, 3 December 2009.
- 6.
GTZ (2008).
- 7.
- 8.
Flyvbjerg et al. (2003) contains a detailed analysis of the performance of transport mega-projects and the reasons why expectations are not usually met.
- 9.
The policy and financial coordination problems on the Channel Tunnel project illustrate how multiple jurisdictional disputes can further complicate a mega-project.
- 10.
The entire data set is available at Transparency International (2008).
- 11.
Center for Research on Environmental Decisions (2009).
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Thompson, L.S. (2011). Transport, Environment, and Institutions: Why Good Science, Engineering, and Economics Fail?. In: Rothengatter, W., Hayashi, Y., Schade, W. (eds) Transport Moving to Climate Intelligence. Transportation Research, Economics and Policy. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-7643-7_18
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