Skip to main content
  • 31 Accesses

Abstract

Considering that the Syrian decision to intervene militarily in Lebanon was an infringement of the sovereignty of a fully independent neighbouring state, the wide-ranging support accorded to the Syrian action was indeed surprising. Approval was voiced by a substantial segment of Lebanese society, the international community at large, and particularly the United States, with the muted acquiescence of Syria’s bitterest antagonist, Israel—all of whom perceived the Syrian intervention as the only remaining alternative which could save Lebanon from anarchy and the inevitable disintegration of the country’s social and political systems. Yet Syria’s intervention was also deeply rooted in the history of the region. This was so not only because the religious and communal tensions and cleavages which lay at the heart of the recent Lebanese civil war had been operative for over a hundred years, but also because these tensions in Lebanon invariably induced similar eruptions in other parts of Syria, for until recently that area was perceived to be a single geographical and social entitity.1 Thus, a civil war in 1860 between the Christian Maronites and the Druzes in Lebanon, which ended in a series of defeats for the Christians, sparked off a massacre of Christians by Moslems in neighbouring Damascus.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

eBook
USD 19.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 29.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. See for example, Stephen H. Longrigg, Syria and Lebanon under French Mandate (London: Oxford University Press, 1958) pp. 1–6;

    Google Scholar 

  2. John B. Glubb, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan (London: Thames & Hudson, 1967) pp. 7–9;

    Google Scholar 

  3. Tabitha Petran, Syria (London: Ernest Benn, 1972) chs 1 and 2;

    Google Scholar 

  4. A. H. Hourani, Syria and Lebanon: A Political Essay (London: Oxford University Press, 1946) chs 1–4.

    Google Scholar 

  5. H. B. Sharabi, Governments and Politics of the Middle East in the Twentieth Century (London: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc, 1962) p. 106.

    Google Scholar 

  6. See Michael Hudson, The Precarious Republic: Modernization in Lebanon (New York: Random House, 1968). In this highly authoritative study, Hudson maintains that the Maronite leaders who sought independence from the mandatory power appreciated ‘the urgent necessity of integrating Arab nationalist Sunnite notables into the political institutions of the state to preserve its viability once independence was achieved, and it took pains to cultivate the support of these notables and to wean them from rigid insistence that an independent Lebanese entity be merged into a united Syria’ (p. 42). Similarly, Enver Koury (op. cit., p. 47) states that in 1943 ‘the Christian leaders advocated the partition of Lebanon into Christian and Moslem entities, in response to the Lebanese Moslem leaders who were seeking federation in a Greater Syria as the way to avoid partition’. It is also interesting to note that after the Druze-Christian civil war of 1860, the great powers rescued the Maronite community by establishing Lebanon as an autonomous province of the Ottoman Empire. However, this new province was confined only to the Mount Lebanon area, excluding the Sunni-dominated coastal strip, Beirut, the Beqa’ and the northern plain.

    Google Scholar 

  7. For excellent analyses of the post-war structure of Lebanon’s political system, see Hudson, op. cit.; Suleiman, op. cit.; R. Hrair Dekmejian, Patterns of Political Leadership: Egypt, Israel, Lebanon (Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 1975) chs 2, 5;

    Google Scholar 

  8. David R. Smock and Audrey C. Smock, The Politics of Pluralism: A Comparative Study of Lebanon and Ghana (New York: Elsevier, 1975) chs 3, 4, 5:

    Google Scholar 

  9. and Leonard Binder, ed., Politics in Lebanon (New York: John Wiley, 1966).

    Google Scholar 

  10. By far the best book on this period of Syrian history is Patrick Seale, The Struggle for Syria: A Study of Post- War Arab Politics, 1945–1958 (London: Oxford University Press, 1965).

    Google Scholar 

  11. A. I. Dawisha, ‘The Transnational Party in Regional Politics: The Arab Baath Party’, Asian Affairs, vol. 61 (1974) p. 23.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  12. The best account of the 1958 Lebanese civil war is Fahim I. Qubain, Crisis in Lebanon, Washington, D.C.; Middle East Institute, 1961; see also M. S. Agwani, The Lebanese Crisis: A Documentary Study (London: Asia Publishing House, 1965).

    Google Scholar 

  13. A good account of this period of Syria’s history is Itamar Rabinovitch, Syria Under the Ba’th, 1963–1966: The Army-Party Symbiosis (Jerusalem: Israel Universities Press, 1972).

    Google Scholar 

  14. For an intimate and fascinating account of the Arab planning and execution of the October war, see Mohamed Heikal, The Road to Ramadan (London: Collins, 1975).

    Google Scholar 

  15. Abbas Kelidar and Michael Burrell, ‘Lebanon: The Collapse of a State’, Conflict Studies, no 74 (August 1976) p. 6.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Copyright information

© 1980 Adeed I. Dawisha

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

Dawisha, A.I. (1980). The Historical Setting. In: Syria and the Lebanese Crisis. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-05371-1_2

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics