Abstract
‘Have you ever heard of “Gorky’s curse”?’ Nouritza Matossian asked me on 20 March 2003.2 We were at her home in Hampstead (London). I had already been conducting research for two months, and since my time in London was brief I had filled my days with as many interviews as possible. I had already spoken with the Armenian ambassador, an Armenian artist and an Armenian minister. I was too exhausted to satisfactorily conduct another interview. Yet her story caught my attention and would eventually be one of those narratives that turned my research approach upside down. Nouritza continued:
There is a rumour going round the galleries of New York that Gorky’s paintings are cursed. The painting The Orators has been damaged in a fire in 1957. Another painting — The Calendars — has been completely destroyed. Then there are rumours of paintings falling from walls and of a black-haired ghost in a blue overcoat that visits Gorky’s old house in Sherman, Connecticut … I did not really know who Gorky was … I mean, I had heard of him, and I had read something about his abstract art, but I had never seen any of his works. I thought he was a Russian artist … He did not carry an Armenian surname.3 Only much later I discovered that his real name was Vosdanig Manoug Adoian. I remember how I walked into Tate Gallery and how I affixed when I saw her face on the wall. The painting was called The Artist and His Mother, and I recognized it. There was something about those eyes. I don’t remember exactly what, neither can I explain it, but they were so familiar that I cried. Looking back I recognized something in all of his paintings — even the abstract ones. The Armenianness in his art was so obvious.
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Notes
C. Geertz (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books), p. 5.
C.A. Kidron (2009) ‘Towards an Ethnography of Silence: The Lived Presence of the Past in the Everyday Life of Holocaust Trauma Survivors and their Descendants in Israel’, Current Anthropology, Vol. 50 (1): 5–27.
M. van de Port (1998) Gypsies, Wars and Other Instances of the Wild: Civilisation and its Discontents in a Serbian Town ( Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press ), p. 27.
A. Appadurai (1998) ‘Dead Certainty: Ethnic Violence in the Era of Globalization’, Public Culture, Vol. 10 (2): 225–47 (233–4) [emphasis added].
See E. Staub (1989) The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
A. L. Hinton claims: ‘Genocides are distinguished by a process of “othering” in which the boundaries of an imagined community are reshaped in such a manner that a previously “included” group (albeit often included only tangentially) is ideologically recast (almost always in dehumanizing rhetoric) as being outside the community, as a threatening and dangerous “other”–whether racial, political, ethnic, religious, economic, and so on–that must be annihilated.’ A. L. Hinton (2002) Annihilating Difference: The Anthropology of Genocide ( Berkeley: University of California Press ), p. 6.
Sémelin (2007) Purify and Destroy: The Political Uses of Massacre and Genocide ( London: Hurst and Co. ), p. 9.
G. Baumann (2004) ‘Grammars of Identity/Alterity’ in G. Baumann and A. Gingrich (eds) Grammars of Identity/Alterity: A Structural Approach ( Oxford: Berghahn Books ), pp. 19–50 (20)
T. Zwaan (2001) Civilisering en Decivilisering: Studies over staatsvorming en geweld, nationalisme en vervolging ( Amsterdam: Boom ), p. 210.
Even though the Ghazi tradition in the Ottoman Empire had a definite Islamic dimension, the warrior tradition and expansion of boundaries through conquest predated the creation of the Empire. It was after the founding of Islam that the Ghazi tradition began to have Islamic connotations. See H. Y. Aboul-Enein and S. Zuhur (2004) ‘Islamic Rulings on Warfare’ (Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute US Army War College), p. 6.
A. C. Hess (1973) ‘The Ottoman Conquest of Egypt (1517) and the Beginning of the Sixteenth-Century World War’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 4 (1): 55–76.
See U. Heyd (1950) Foundations of Turkish Nationalism: The Life and Teachings of Ziya Gökalp ( London: Luzac & Company Ltd and The Harvill Press Ltd).
H. M. Chitjian (2003) A Hair’s Breadth from Death: The Memoirs of Hampartzoum Mardiros Chitjian ( London: Taderon Press ), pp. 76 and 100–1.
U. Ü. Üngör (2008b) ‘Seeing like a Nation-State: Young Turks Social Engineering in Eastern Turkey, 1913–1950’, Journal of Genocide Research, Vol. 10 (1): 15–39.
C. Card (2003) ‘Genocide and Social Death’, Hypatia, Vol. 18 (1): 63–79 (73)
See also O. Patterson (1982) Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study ( Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press ), pp. 5–9.
S. Freud (1923) The Ego and the Id, Standard Edition, Vol. 19 ( London: Hogarth Press ).
E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger (eds) (1984) The Invention of Tradition ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press ), pp. 4–5.
L. H. Malkki (1996) ‘Speechless Emissaries: Refugees, Humanitarianism, and Dehistoricization’, Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 11 (3): 377–404.
M. Jackson (2002) The Politics of Storytelling ( Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press ), p. 35.
C. Edgarian (1994) Rise the Euphrates ( New York: Random House).
P. Balakian (1997) Black Dog of Fate ( New York: Basic Books).
S. Friedlander (1993) Memory, History and the Extermination of the Jews in Europe ( Bloomington: Indiana University Press ), p. 133.
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© 2016 Anthonie Holslag
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Holslag, A. (2016). Memorization of the Armenian Genocide in Cultural Narratives. In: Demirdjian, A. (eds) The Armenian Genocide Legacy. Palgrave Studies in the History of Genocide. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-56163-3_17
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