Abstract
This paper examines the inferential framework employed by Palaeolithic cognitive archaeologists, using the work of Wynn and Coolidge as a case study. I begin by distinguishing minimal-capacity inferences from cognitive-transition inferences. Minimal-capacity inferences attempt to infer the cognitive prerequisites required for the production of a technology. Cognitive-transition inferences use transitions in technological complexity to infer transitions in cognitive evolution. I argue that cognitive archaeology has typically used cognitive-transition inferences informed by minimal-capacity inferences, and that this reflects a tendency to favour cognitive explanations for transitions in technological complexity. Next I look at two alternative explanations for transitions in technological complexity: the demographic hypothesis and the environmental hypothesis. This presents us with a dilemma: either reject these alternative explanations or reject traditional cognitive-transition inferences. Rejecting the former is unappealing as there is strong evidence that demographic and environmental influences play some causal role in technological transitions. Rejecting the latter is unappealing as it means abandoning the idea that technological transitions tell us anything about transitions in hominin cognitive evolution. I finish by briefly outlining some conceptual tools from the philosophical literature that might help shed some light on the problem.
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Notes
Another important background assumption here is that the tool is the product of a standing ability, and not of blind luck. In other words, it is a technology that its maker can reproduce with some reliability. Thanks to Kim Sterelny for helpful discussion here.
Here I divert somewhat from Currie and Killin’s account, which builds a necessity clause into minimal-capacity inferences (Currie and Killin 2019, pp. 266–272). This suggests they are thinking of them as deductive claims. I am here characterising them as inductive, but I don’t think too much hangs on this issue.
The structure of the record as one characterised by stasis and change has been challenged (Kuhn 2019). I agree with the general critique that periods traditionally described as ‘static’—in particular, the Oldowan and the Acheulean—in fact show significant variation and increasing complexity over time. Nonetheless, these periods do display striking standardisation of form.
Another implicit commitment embedded in Coolidge and Wynn’s inference is something like the following: given a large enough time-scale and a diverse range of environments, a capacity will show up in the material record. In other words, adaptation pressures are such that we can reasonably expect to see a signal of a cognitive trait if it exists. Thanks to Kim Sterelny for helpful discussion here.
See also Henrich (2004).
It should be noted that it is very difficult to produce estimations of population sizes in the distant past. As a result, there are very real issues when it come to testing demographic hypotheses.
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Acknowledgements
Thanks to Kim Sterelny, Anton Killin, Rachael Brown, Adrian Currie, Julia Haas, Ben Henke, Ron Planer and three annonymous referees for detailed feedback. I would also like to thank audiences at ANU and Pittsburgh HPS for helpful comments.
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This study was funded by an Australian National University Research Scholarship.
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Pain, R. What Can the Lithic Record Tell Us About the Evolution of Hominin Cognition?. Topoi 40, 245–259 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11245-019-09683-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11245-019-09683-0