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Case in Conflict: Embedded Subjects in Mongolian

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Case, Word Order and Prominence

Part of the book series: Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics ((SITP,volume 40))

Abstract

In Mongolian the subject of embedded object clauses can occur not only in the morphologically unmarked form, but also in the accusative. Sidestepping the question whether these NPs are raised to object position, we focus here on the conditions underlying this alternation. The results of two questionnaires indicate that the accusative is clearly preferred if the embedded subject is immediately preceded by and more prominent than the matrix subject (otherwise both the unmarked and the accusative forms are possible and there is no clear preference). We explain this by the interaction of three principles: (i) the prominence principle (P1), stating that the most prominent NP in a sequence of NPs is the matrix subject, (ii) the accusative principle (P2), stating that an accusative marked NP is not the matrix subject, and (iii) the first argument principle (P3), stating that the first NP in a sequence of NPs is the matrix subject. If the first NP in a sequence of NPs is followed by a more prominent morphologically unmarked NP, then P1 and P3 conflict, predicting low acceptability judgements. Assuming that case morphology, unlike word order information, overrides the prominence principle, no conflict arises if the second NP is accusative, resulting in better acceptability judgements.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    We have used the following glosses based on the Leipzig Glossing Rules: ABL  =  ablative, ACC  =  accusative, CVB  =  converb, DAT  =  dative, GEN  =  genitive, HAB  =  habitual, INF  =  infinitive, INS  =  instrumental, NOM  =  nominative, NPST  =  non-past, PRS  =  present tense, PST  =  past tense.

  2. 2.

    For further details on when subject of subordinate clauses scramble into the superordinate clause, see von Heusinger et al. (2011, Sect. 4).

  3. 3.

    To avoid potential confusion, we emphasise that the glosses indicate morphological case, not syntactic case (see e.g. Spencer 2009 for a clear exposition of the relevance of this distinction). So, the lack of glossing information on some direct objects simply indicates that this object is morphologically unmarked, and should not be taken to imply that it is in the syntactic case nominative.

  4. 4.

    See Aissen (2003, p. 440) for the notion of harmonic alignment of prominence scales.

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Acknowledgements

Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the workshop on Case, Word Order, and Prominence in Nijmegen (2007) and at the workshop Non-Canonical Perspectives on Case in Konstanz (2008). We would like to thank the participants at these two workshops for their helpful comments. Moreover, we would also like to thank Sam Featherston, Jaklin Kornfilt, Reiko Vermeulen as well as two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments. The usual disclaimer applies. This research was funded by the German Science Foundation (Project C2 Case and Referential Context in the SFB 732 Incremental Specification in Context), which we gratefully acknowledge.

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Correspondence to Udo Klein .

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Klein, U., Guntsetseg, D., von Heusinger, K. (2012). Case in Conflict: Embedded Subjects in Mongolian. In: Lamers, M., de Swart, P. (eds) Case, Word Order and Prominence. Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics, vol 40. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-1463-2_3

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