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  • 學位論文

論中共「十七大」後對台政策的持續與變遷

The Development and variation of PRC's “Taiwan Policy” after the Communist Party 17th Congress in 2007

指導教授 : 潘錫堂
共同指導教授 : 郭展禮

摘要


自1949年中共建政以來,中共對台政策就一直存在而不曾消失。其根源就是來自於二次國共內戰所造成的結果。從最初毛澤東的武力解放、和平解放台灣,到鄧小平的「和平統一、一國兩制」再到「江八點」、「胡四點」、乃至現今的「胡六點」對台政策,中共對統一中國的戰術運用也一直不斷的在調整。 除此之外,中共領導人世代交接後,該任領導人的權力鞏固狀態也是觀察中共對台政策發展的重點之一。尤其是他在中國共產黨全國代表大會上所發表的政策宣示,往往是該領導人能否掌握內部政治權力與對台政策走向的重要指標,所以胡錦濤在「十七大」上所做出的對台部分政策宣示也就自然成為研究觀察「十七大」後對台政策發展的重點項目。 在陳水扁政府執政後,台北與北京就不斷的產生磨擦與緊張,因此在扁政府執政時期的兩岸關係就一直處於冰點。到了2008年馬英九總統上台後,他實現了競選時所提出「不統、不獨、不武」馬三不的大陸政策,對北京釋出了許多善意,而在2008年12月31號中共總書記胡錦濤也提出了「胡六點」來做為對馬政府上台後兩岸關係的一種回應與期待。另外、馬總統所提出的「活路外交」政策與ECFA的簽訂都得到了大陸方面的善意回應與支持,兩岸高層之間的對話溫馨而和緩,但在台灣國際生存空間的發展上,中共則是持續的對我方進行封鎖與打壓。 例如2007年世界衛生組織與中共秘密簽署的備忘錄曝光事件,2010年第23屆東京影展上發生的「江平事件」,2011年台灣主辦的第22屆亞太婦產科醫學會年會上大陸方面提案要求將我方會籍改為「中國台灣」事件,都可以看出只要離開兩岸躍升到國際層面,中共是絕對不會容許在國際社會上出現「兩個中國」或「一中一台」的情況發生。可以說,不論中共對台政策的戰術如何變化,「一個中國」與「統一中國」的核心原則是始終不會動搖的,而中共對台政策的最終目標還是要完成中國的統一。

並列摘要


Since PRC has established its regime in 1949, the policies toward Taiwan have always existed. This was caused by the two civil wars. From Mao Zedong’s Military Liberation and Peaceful Liberation to Deng Xiaoping’s “Peaceful reunion, one country, two systems,” and then Jiang’s “Eight points,” Hu’s “Four points,” to today’s Hu’s “Six points.” PRC’s policy to unify China has always been changing. Besides, after transferring generationsof the chairman, the chairman’s political steadiness is also one of the points to see the development of the policy toward Taiwan. Especially his political announcement on the National Congress of Communist Party of China is an important index to see whether the chairman is able to handle internal political power and policies toward Taiwan. Therefore, the “Seventeen points” Hu Jintao had mentioned about Taiwan eventually became the point to research policies toward Taiwan. While Chen Shui-bian was governing, Taipei and Beijing had constant conflicts and intension, therefore the relationship between both sides was atfreezing point.Until 2008 when Ma Ying-jeou was elected as the president, he achieved his policy toward PRC, “No unity, no liberation, and no military actions.” This showed much goodwill to Beijing. On December 31st, 2008 Hu also announced his “Six points” in return as a feedback and expectation to Ma. On the other hand, Ma’s “Flexible diplomacy” policy and the signing of ECFA had earned PRC’s kind feedback and support. It seemed that the conversations between governments of both sides become warm and gentle. However, PRC is still blocks Taiwan from having development in international fields. For example, in 2007 the memo that WHO secretly signed with PRC exposed. In 2010, the Jiang Ping event happened in the 23rd Tokyo Film Festival. In 2011, the 22ndAsia-Pacific Annual Conference of Obstetrics and Gynecology which was hosted by Taiwan, PCR asked us to change the name into “China Taiwan.” From the above, we can see that PCR won’t allow the existence of “two China” or “China and Taiwan” on international stages. We can say no matter how PCR’s policy toward Taiwan changes, the core principles of “one China” and “Unified China” won’t change. As a result, PCR won’t give up its will to unify China.

參考文獻


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被引用紀錄


吳怡慧(2016)。中共對臺政策發展之研究-以習近平執政後為例〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2016.00185
吳世偉(2015)。中共對台政策研究-以「十八大」後為例〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2015.00877
梁軒銘(2015)。中國大陸對台灣的國際參與政策之演變-以馬總統第一任期為例〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2015.00245

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