Skip to main content

ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Front. Psychol., 22 June 2018
Sec. Cognition
This article is part of the Research Topic Intra- and Inter-Individual Variability of Executive Functions: Determinant and Modulating Factors in Healthy and Pathological Conditions View all 40 articles

On the Reliability of Switching Costs Across Time and Domains

  • 1Center for Brain and Cognition, Pompeu Fabra University, Barcelona, Spain
  • 2Neuroscience and Aphasia Research Unit, School of Biological Sciences, University of Manchester, Manchester, United Kingdom
  • 3Institució Catalana de Recerca i Estudis Avançats, Barcelona, Spain

Bilingual speakers are suggested to use control processes to avoid linguistic interference from the unintended language. It is debated whether these bilingual language control (BLC) processes are an instantiation of the more domain-general executive control (EC) processes. Previous studies inconsistently report correlations between measures of linguistic and non-linguistic control in bilinguals. In the present study, we investigate the extent to which there is cross-talk between these two domains of control for two switch costs, namely the n-1 shift cost and the n-2 repetition cost. Also, we address an important problem, namely the reliability of the measures used to investigate cross-talk. If the reliability of a measure is low, then these measures are ill-suited to test cross-talk between domains through correlations. We asked participants to perform both a linguistic- and non-linguistic switching task at two sessions about a week apart. The results show a dissociation between the two types of switch costs. Regarding test–retest reliability, we found a stronger reliability for the n-1 shift cost compared to the n-2 repetition cost within both domains as measured by correlations across sessions. This suggests the n-1 shift cost is more suitable to explore cross-talk of BLC and EC. Next, we do find cross-talk for the n-1 shift cost as demonstrated by a significant cross-domain correlation. This suggests that there are at least some shared processes in the linguistic and non-linguistic task.

Introduction

How do bilingual speakers control their two languages to avoid linguistic confusion? Researchers argue that this is achieved by a set of control processes labeled bilingual language control (BLC) (Green, 1998). But, what is the nature of these control processes? It is debated whether or not BLC is an instantiation of the more domain-general executive control (EC) processes (Green, 1998; Dijkstra and van Heuven, 2002; Abutalebi and Green, 2007). One of the most frequently used tasks to measure BLC and EC abilities is the switching paradigm and its switch cost measures (n-1 shift cost and n-2 repetition cost). The extent to which this cross-talk between domains is present for switch costs is inconsistent and controversial (Garbin et al., 2010; Branzi et al., 2016a; Timmer et al., 2017). Here, we report a study that explores: (a) the cross-talk between the two systems by looking at switch costs in the two domains, and (b) the reliability of two switching measures often used to explore the cross-talk of control mechanisms between BLC and EC. We argue that the reliability of these measures varies considerably and that when they are reliable, cross-talk between domains is present.

The current evidence regarding cross-talk between BLC and EC comes from four sources. First, and especially relevant for our purposes, are studies that compared performance of bilinguals in linguistic and non-linguistic switching tasks. Most studies did not reveal a correlation of switch costs across domains (Calabria et al., 2011; Prior and Gollan, 2013; Cattaneo et al., 2015; Branzi et al., 2016a; Declerck et al., 2017; but see Declerck et al., 2015). Second, studies that compared brain activity for the switch cost in the two domains for the same bilinguals showed there is some degree of overlapping activation but also a contribution of different regions (De Baene et al., 2015; Weissberger et al., 2015; Branzi et al., 2016b; Timmer et al., 2017). Third, somewhat indirect evidence comes from studies comparing monolinguals and bilinguals. The hypothesis is that bilinguals have long-term practice in BLC which can affect the performance of EC. The results are mixed, while some studies show smaller behavioral switch costs on a non-linguistic task for bilinguals than monolinguals (Prior and Macwhinney, 2010; Prior and Gollan, 2011; Houtzager et al., 2017), many other studies did not (Hernández et al., 2013; Paap and Greenberg, 2013; Paap et al., 2017; Timmer et al., 2017; Branzi et al., 2018). Four, studies that show a relation between how much people switch between their languages on a daily basis and the switch cost in a non-linguistic task (Hartanto and Yang, 2016). Thus, the results regarding cross-talk for the switch cost is inconsistent and controversial.

However, one important problem when considering the above studies is the reliability of the measures used to investigate cross-talk. If reliability of a measure is low, then the absence of cross-talk between domains is uninformative. For example, if no correlation is observed for switch costs across domains, one might be tempted to conclude that there is no cross-talk for switching abilities in the two domains. However, before drawing such a conclusion we need to know whether the switch cost measures are reliable themselves within each domain. If there is poor test–retest reliability the measures do not consistently distinguish the performance of individuals within a population. This inability to distinguish between individuals makes these measures ill-suited to detect relationship with other constructs in cross-domain correlational studies (Hedge et al., 2017). Thus, with poor test–retest reliability the result is silent about the cross-talk between domains. In this study, we test the reliability of switch costs, one of the most frequently used measures regarding cross-talk of control processing, in a linguistic and non-linguistic switching task at two points in time with about a week in between.

This strategy has already been used in the context of EC measures (Miyake et al., 2000) where some measures of EC reached acceptable level of reliability whereas others did not (Williams et al., 2005; Beck et al., 2011; Willoughby and Blair, 2011; Paap and Sawi, 2016; Soveri et al., 2016; Donath et al., 2017; Fernández-Marcos et al., 2017). Of interest to the present study is that the switch cost measure (i.e., n-1 shift cost) during a non-linguistic task, as an index of EC efficiency, showed a reliable effect over time (r = 0.62) (Paap and Sawi, 2016). In addition, another type of switch cost, the n-2 repetition cost that reflects a differential process of inhibitory control (described underneath) did not show high reliability in non-linguistic switching tasks (between r = 0.23 and 0.44) (Pettigrew and Martin, 2016; Kowalczyk and Grange, 2017; Rey-Mermet et al., 2017). To the best of our knowledge, reliability for the language switch costs has not been tested. The present study extends the test of reliability to the language domain.

Description of the Tasks and Measures

We asked participants to perform both a linguistic and non-linguistic switching task. In the linguistic switching task, participants named pictures in Catalan, Spanish, or English depending on the flag presented around the picture. In the non-linguistic switching task, participants made a decision about the color, size, or type (i.e., number/letter) of a visual stimulus depending on a visual cue presented around the stimulus.

These tasks were designed such that two types of switch costs could be measured: the n-1 shift cost and the n-2 repetition cost. The n-1 shift cost refers to the cost of switching between languages/tasks (switch trial; BA) compared to repeating the same language/task (repeat trial; AA). This cost is considered to measure people’s efficiency in applying transient control (Meiran, 2010; Bobb and Wodniecka, 2013). More specifically, it reflects cue encoding, the activation of a new set of S-R rules in working memory, and the inhibition of the previous task set (Periáñez and Barceló, 2009; Timmer et al., 2017, 2018). This measure has played an important role to inform theories of language control (Green, 1998; Roelofs, 1998; Costa et al., 1999; La Heij, 2005; Finkbeiner et al., 2006) and domain-general EC (Jurado and Rosselli, 2007; Munakata et al., 2011; Diamond, 2013).

The n-2 repetition cost refers to the cost of switching into a recently performed task (in an n-2 trial) as compared to switching into a not-recently performed task. Consider a language switching task with three languages (Catalan, Spanish, and English) and the following language sequences (CBA and ABA). When participants name pictures in three different languages (CBA) each trial corresponds to a different language and hence no language repetition is present. However, in the sequence ABA the last instance (A) corresponds to the same language used two trials before. Comparing the performance in these two sequences is how the n-2 repetition cost is calculated, and this cost is often interpreted as cognitive processes that solve proactive interference (Mayr and Keele, 2000; Philipp et al., 2007; Branzi et al., 2016a). Thus, previous inhibition needs to be overcome to perform the current task suggesting this is a pure measure of inhibitory control (Mayr and Keele, 2000). While some suggest the n-2 repetition cost is a pure measure of inhibitory control (Philipp and Koch, 2009), others suggest that the n-2 also measures other factors than only inhibition, for example episodic retrieval, and is therefore not a pure measure of one process (Grange et al., 2017; Kowalczyk and Grange, 2017).

Previous evidence regarding the cross-talk for these two costs are somewhat inconsistent. For example, correlations across domains did often not reveal cross-talk for either the n-1 shift cost (Calabria et al., 2011; Cattaneo et al., 2015; Branzi et al., 2016a; but see Declerck et al., 2015, 2017) or the n-2 repetition cost (Branzi et al., 2016a). But neural evidence suggests that there are some overlapping processes and regions underlying the switch costs (De Baene et al., 2015; Weissberger et al., 2015; Branzi et al., 2016b; Timmer et al., 2017). We investigate whether the absence of cross-domain correlations is caused by the lack of test–retest reliability of the switching measures in both the linguistic- and non-linguistic task. We expect to replicate the reliability of the n-1 shift cost during non-linguistic task switching (Paap and Sawi, 2016), while we expect to find lower reliability for the n-2 repetition cost (Pettigrew and Martin, 2016; Rey-Mermet et al., 2017). We extend these findings to the linguistic domain expecting to find similar results in the linguistic as in the non-linguistic domain.

Materials and Methods

Participants

Fifty-eight Catalan-Spanish-English trilingual from Universitat Pompeu Fabra were paid for their participation (35 females; average age: 23.3 years; SD = 4.12). They all had normal or corrected-to-normal vision, and no history of neurological impairments or language disorders. Four participants were excluded due to low accuracy on the linguistic switching task, for these participants less than 65% of trials were left due to high error rate and many voice-key errors. One participant was excluded due to technical failure of the voice key. The final sample consisted of 53 participants (32 females; average age: 23.5 years; SD = 4.22).

All participants completed a self-rating proficiency and social economic background questionnaire to assess their language proficiency and social-economic background. The language proficiency is reported in Table 1. The mothers’ [4.1 (SE = 1.08)] and fathers’ [4.0 (SE = 1.41)] education level were measured on a 6-point scale (1) primary school, (2) middle school, (3) high-school diploma, (4) professional training, (5) Bachelor University, and (6) Master or Ph.D.). They also performed the Superior Scale I of the Ravens Advanced Progressive Matrices to measure non-verbal intelligence. Participants had to indicate which of eight possible pieces was missing from a picture. Twelve picture items were tested (Raven et al., 1998). On average participants had a score of 9.5 (SD = 1.54) out of a maximum of 12.

TABLE 1
www.frontiersin.org

TABLE 1. Mean answers (and standard deviations) to self-rating proficiency and social economic background questionnaire.

Materials and Procedure

The experiment consisted of two sessions (test and retest) with approximately a week (5–9 days) between sessions. At both days the participants performed a linguistic- and non-linguistic switching task. The order in which the tasks were performed was counterbalanced across participants and kept in the same order over sessions for each participant. Each session took approximately 1.5 h during which they were seated individually in a quiet room with dimmed lights and seated approximately 1 m from the computer screen. At the first session, before starting the switching tasks, participants signed an informed consent form, filled out the language proficiency questionnaire, and completed the Raven’s non-verbal intelligence test before the experimental tasks (Table 1). Instructions for the switching tasks were given in oral and written format. They were instructed to make responses as fast and accurate as possible. They received practice trials before each task.

Linguistic Switching Task

In the linguistic switching task, participants named eight black-and-white drawings representing nouns with non-cognate names between Catalan (L1), Spanish (L2), and English (L3) (see Branzi et al., 2016a for the stimuli). The pictures were presented one at a time. Each picture was surrounded by four cue-signs (flag in the corners of the picture) indicating the language in which each picture was to be named (four Catalan, Spanish, or English flags). All target stimuli were centered and presented in black on a white background. The speech onset latencies were measured with a voice-key. Before the experiment, participants were familiarized with the pictures and their corresponding names in the three languages to make sure they produced the correct names for the pictures.

In total participants named 648 randomized pictures divided over six blocks. After each block participants could take a short break and start the next block when ready. Each trial started with the presentation of the cue-signs together with a tone. After 100 ms (CSI), the picture was presented in the middle of the screen while the cues also remained on the screen. Picture and cue-signs remained on the screen until a response was given. After each response a blank screen appeared before the next cue was presented for the following trial.

Non-linguistic Switching Task

In the non-linguistic switching task, participants made three perceptual classifications about visual stimuli. The three classifications were ‘color’ (red vs. blue), ‘size’ (small vs. big), and ‘type’ (letter vs. number) as used in previous studies (Philipp and Koch, 2006; Branzi et al., 2016a). Just as the flags during the linguistic task, cues were presented around the target stimulus to notify the classification to be made. For the ‘color’ decision the cue was a yellow square, for the ‘size’ decision the cue was an arrow pointing up and down, and for the ‘type’ decision the cue was a paragraph sign. Responses were given manually with key presses to three response keys for each hand. Note also that responses were labeled on the keyboard.

The procedure of the non-linguistic task was identical to that of the linguistic one. The only difference was that for the non-linguistic task participants received feedback on their performance, accuracy in % was shown at the end of each block, while no feedback was given on the linguistic task.

Data Analysis

The experimental design was the same as previous studies investigating the n-1 shift cost and n-2 repetition cost (Philipp and Koch, 2006; Branzi et al., 2016a, 2018). Depending on the two preceding trials the current n trial was allocated to one of three conditions (CAA, CBA, and ABA). Each language (Catalan, Spanish, and English) or task (colors, size, and type) was assigned a letter (A, B, or C). Within each of the three conditions the latter letter refers to the current n trial. For example, for the CAA condition the n trial is A and preceded at the n-1 trial by another A. Given that the preceding trial is identical to the current this is an n-1 repetition condition. For the CBA condition, the n trial A is preceded at the n-1 trial by a B and at the n-2 trial by a C. Both preceding trials are different from A and therefore considered an n-2 switch condition. For the ABA condition, the n trial A is preceded at n-1 by B, a different trial, but at n-2 by A, a repetition of trial n. Here, at n-2 there is a repetition of the n trial and therefore the condition is called n-2 repetition.

The two effects are calculated by comparing two conditions. The n-1 shift cost is the difference between the RTs from CAA (n-1 repetition) and CBA (n-2 switch) conditions. The n-2 repetition cost is the difference between the RTs of the CBA (n-2 switch) and the ABA (n-2 repetition) conditions.

Importantly, it has been suggested that the n-2 repetition cost can be eliminated when the number of trials in all three conditions is equal. However, when the number of n-1 repetition trials is greatly reduced, in comparison to the other two conditions, the n-2 repetition cost is present (see Philipp and Koch, 2006). As we are interested in both costs we have reduced the number of n-1 repetition trials. Both the n-2 repetition trials (ABA) and the n-switch trials (CBA) occurred approximately on 39% of the trials, while the n-1 repetition trials (CAA) occurred on approximately 11% of the trials. The sum does not add up to 100% because the first two trials of each block were removed as well as the trial after a repetition trial (CAA). See Branzi et al. (2016a, 2018) for the same procedure and further details.

Non-linguistic and linguistic switching data were analyzed separately with a repeated measure ANOVA that included the within-subject factors Session (test vs. retest) and Trial type (CAA vs. CBA vs. ABA). This was followed by correlational analyses to examine, among others, the test–retest reliability between sessions. Bonferroni corrections for multiple comparisons are applied when necessary.

Results

We first present the response latency analyses separate for the two tasks (Table 2) and second the correlations within and between tasks (Figures 14).

TABLE 2
www.frontiersin.org

TABLE 2. Mean response latencies in ms (and standard error) for the linguistic and non-linguistic switching tasks for each Trial type by Session, as well as the magnitude of the n-1 shift cost and the n-2 repetition cost in ms.

FIGURE 1
www.frontiersin.org

FIGURE 1. Correlations for the n-1 shift cost, based on the proportional costs, between test and retest for (A) linguistic and (B) non-linguistic switching task.

Linguistic Switching Task

Outliers were discarded from the analysis [naming latencies longer than 5,000 ms (0.2% of the data) and latencies that deviated 2.5 SD from the average per participant per condition (4.1% of the data)]. In addition, voice-key errors (1.5% of the data) and incorrect responses were also discarded (4.0% of the data). The first two trials after an error were also removed (7.2% of the data) as the Type of trial (CAA, CBA, or ABA) could not be determined until 2 n after an error. In the analysis a total of 83.5% of the trials was included at test and 82.7% at retest. No differences in accuracy were observed between Sessions or Trial types.

Naming latencies at retest were 61 ms faster than at test [F(1,52) = 15.75, MSe = 18666.82, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.233]. The main effect of Trial type was also significant [F(1,104) = 37.24, MSe = 5949.21, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.417], revealing the presence of both and n-1 shift cost and n-2 repetition cost. The n-1 shift cost was reflected by faster latencies for CAA than CBA trials [respectively, 1,068 ms and 1,117 ms; F(1,52) = 27.61, MSe = 9371.87, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.347]. The n-2 repetition cost was reflected by faster latencies for CBA than ABA trials [respectively, 1,117 ms and 1,138 ms; F(1,52) = 26.91, MSe = 1669.11, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.341]. There was no interaction between Session and Trial type (F < 1).

Non-linguistic Switching Task

The same criteria to remove outliers and errors was used as in the linguistic task (latencies longer than 5,000: 0.5% of the data; 2.5 SD outliers: 3.6%; errors: 2.6%; 2 trials after error: 4.6%). In the analysis a total of 88% of the trials was included at test and 89.4% at retest. No differences in accuracy were observed between Sessions or Trial types.

Response latencies at retest were 257 ms faster than at test [F(1,52) = 182.49, MSe = 28886.72, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.778]. The main effect of Trial type was also significant [F(1,104) = 33.45, MSe = 6387.06, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.391], revealing the presence of both and n-1 shift cost and n-2 repetition cost. The n-1 shift cost was reflected by faster latencies for CAA than CBA trials [respectively, 959 ms and 993 ms; F(1,52) = 8.74, MSe = 13517.09, p < 0.005, ηp2 = 0.144]. The n-2 repetition cost was reflected by faster latencies for CBA than ABA trials [respectively, 993 ms and 1037 ms; F(1,52) = 48.69, MSe = 4230.65, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.484]. However Session and Trial type interacted [F(1,104) = 8.59, MSe = 2926.78, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.142]. This showed that the size of the n-1 shift cost decreased significantly from test to retest [respectively, 54 ms and 13 ms; t(52) = 2.87, SE = 14.29, p < 0.01]. In contrast, the n-2 repetition cost did not decrease significantly over testing sessions [50 ms and 38 ms; t(52) = 1.24, SE = 9.96, ns].

Correlations

For the correlations we calculated a proportional cost for each of the switch costs to avoid problems of differences between tasks in speed of responding. The switch cost was divided by the average RT of the involved trials and multiplied by a hundred.1

To investigate whether the n-1 shift and n-2 repetition costs are consistent over time we correlated [Intra Class Correlation (ICC); also named Cronbach’s alpha] each of these costs between test and retest. The n-1 shift cost revealed a positive correlation between test and retest for both the linguistic (r = 0.739, p < 0.001; see Figure 1A) and non-linguistic switching tasks (r = 0.573, p < 0.001; see Figure 1B). The n-2 repetition cost also revealed a test–retest correlation for both the linguistic (r = 0.384, p < 0.05; see Figure 2A) and non-linguistic switching tasks (r = 0.399, p < 0.05; see Figure 2B).

FIGURE 2
www.frontiersin.org

FIGURE 2. Correlations for the n-2 repetition cost, based on the proportional costs, between test and retest for (A) linguistic and (B) non-linguistic switching task.

To investigate whether the n-1 shift and n-2 repetition costs are consistent across domains we correlated (Pearson’s coefficient) each of these costs between the linguistic- and non-linguistic switching tasks. The n-1 shift cost revealed a positive correlation across domains at both test (r = 0.347, p < 0.05; see Figure 3A) and retest (r = 0.272, p < 0.05; see Figure 3B). In contrast, the n-2 repetition cost does not reveal correlations across domains at neither test (r = 0.116, ns; see Figure 4A) nor retest (r = 0.015, ns; see Figure 4B).

FIGURE 3
www.frontiersin.org

FIGURE 3. Correlations for the n-1 shift cost, based on the proportional costs, between the linguistic and non-linguistic switching tasks at (A) test and (B) retest.

FIGURE 4
www.frontiersin.org

FIGURE 4. Correlations for the n-2 repetition cost, based on the proportional costs, between the linguistic and non-linguistic switching tasks at (A) test and (B) retest.

Discussion

We explored the test–retest reliability of linguistic and non-linguistic switch costs (n-1 shift and the n-2 repetition cost), as well as the presence/absence of cross-talk between the two cognitive control domains for both switch costs. Participants performed switching tasks in both domains at two sessions, approximately a week apart. The current study revealed a dissociation between the two types of switch costs (n-1 shift cost and n-2 repetition cost) regarding their test–retest reliability and the cross-talk between domains. The test–retest reliability for the n-1 shift cost was quite high as the correlation between sessions indicates, both in the linguistic and non-linguistic tasks. However, this reliability was much lower for the n-2 repetition cost. This pattern indicates that the n-1 shift cost is more stable across time than the n-2 repetition cost, and consequently the former is more suitable to explore whether there are correlations across domains that would suggest shared constructs. Cross-talk between the two domains was present for the n-1 shift cost as demonstrated by a cross-domain correlation. This suggests that there are at least some shared processes in the linguistic and non-linguistic task.

We looked at the correlations of the proportional switch costs instead of the mean RTs as the latter will often show high reliability due to overlapping processes (e.g., perceiving the visual stimulus and the motor processing of pressing a button or making a vocal response) in the RTs of switch and repeat trials (Declerck et al., 2015). In addition, the difference scores reflect a specific process within switching paradigms (Miller and Ulrich, 2013). The present study revealed weaker test–retest correlation for the n-2 repetition cost than the n-1 shift cost. Thus, in the present study the n-2 repetition cost does not rank individuals consistently, either due to high error variance or due to low between-subjects variance. The inability to distinguish between individuals makes this measure ill-suited to investigate shared constructs across domains (Hedge et al., 2017). To conclude, when investigating questions of cross-talk with correlational paradigms it is advisable to use the n-1 shift cost and be careful with the use of the n-2 repetition cost.

Next to increased error variance and low between-subjects variance, it is to be noted that practice effects can also diminish the test–retest reliability of a measure (Paap and Sawi, 2016). Performance on a simple choice RT task improves over time in speed and accuracy. Some part of this practice effect is removed by a short practice at the beginning of the experiment, however, there is still a practice effect across testing days. While both switch costs were present at first testing in both domains, the n-1 shift cost decreased from test to retest for the non-linguistic task but not for the linguistic task. Thus, these differential practice effects depending on the domain in which the switching paradigm was conducted can diminish the reliability over time.

While the n-1 shift cost showed good test–retest reliability, the n-2 repetition cost only showed a weak reliability for both domains. This is in line with previous studies investigating the n-2 repetition cost in the non-linguistic domain (Pettigrew and Martin, 2016; Kowalczyk and Grange, 2017; Rey-Mermet et al., 2017). Therefore, no conclusion can be drawn about the convergent validity across domains for the n-2 repetition cost. In light of low reliability, we did not find a cross-domain correlation either for the n-2 repetition cost, in line with Branzi et al. (2016a). The absence of reliability could be due to the fact that some have suggested that the n-2 repetition cost is not a pure measure of one process, inhibition, but is also influenced by factors like episodic memory (Grange et al., 2017; Kowalczyk and Grange, 2017). If this cost arises due to a mixture of underlying measures it is not strange that the reliability is low. In addition, it has been suggested that this measure might have different underlying processes in each domain and that these processes do not vary in the same way across the two tasks. For example, the linguistic task showed variations in the mechanisms of the n-2 repetition cost depending on which of the three different languages was used (Babcock and Vallesi, 2015). This shows that this measure is more complex than assumed within the linguistic domain and does not have a direct relation to the non-linguistic domain. Thus, the present study shows that the reliability of the n-2 repetition cost is weak over time and therefore no conclusions can be drawn on whether there is cross-talk across domains for this measure.

For the n-1 shift cost, there was strong test–retest reliability and we also find a cross-domain correlation suggesting that the mechanisms underlying the n-1 shift cost share at least some processes in the linguistic and non-linguistic task. Note that a correlation of 0.6 is often considered to reflect a good reliability within the literature (Landis and Koch, 1977; Cicchetti and Sparrow, 1981), however, there are no definitive guidelines on how to interpret correlational values (Crocker and Algina, 1986). Not all studies showed a relation between the linguistic and non-linguistic task for this measure (Calabria et al., 2011; Prior and Gollan, 2013; Calabria et al., 2015; Cattaneo et al., 2015; Branzi et al., 2016a; Declerck et al., 2017). This could potentially be due to a couple of reasons. First, the test–retest reliability observed for this switch cost in each domain limits the correlation that can be observed between them. While we have strong reliability for the n-1 shift-cost, there is always some measurement error and the cross-domain correlation can never be higher than the test-reliability of both measures. The magnitude of the cross-domain correlation is attenuated by measurement error of both measures. This can have impact on theoretical conclusions, where non-significant correlational results are interpreted as an absence of shared constructs across domains, though there might be shared constructs that are not picked up due to high measurement errors (Hedge et al., 2017).

Second, we investigate the switch cost together with the n-2 repetition cost. To show effects on the latter cost the number of repeat trials was greatly reduced compared to the other trial types (Philipp and Koch, 2006), while previous studies had an equal number of switch and repeat trials (but see Branzi et al., 2016a). This could have changed the mechanism measured in the n-1 switch cost as participants might use a different strategy within such a set-up of trials.

Third, other paradigms have suggested there is some but not full overlap across domains for the switch cost (Green, 1998; Dijkstra and van Heuven, 2002; Abutalebi and Green, 2007; Grainger et al., 2010; Declerck et al., 2015). For example, studies that compared brain activity in linguistic versus non-linguistic switching tasks directly found only some overlapping areas to be activated (De Baene et al., 2015; Weissberger et al., 2015; Branzi et al., 2016b) and electrophysiological comparisons only showed the P3 but not the N2 component to overlap for the switch cost (Timmer et al., 2017). This suggests that the switch cost reflects a multitude of underlying processes that may differ to a certain extent depending on the domain (Declerck et al., 2015). For example, the stimuli used in each task are often different (e.g., pictures versus alphabetic and numerical representations). Also, the modality of response is different (oral naming vs. categorization). The difference in the response-set is important on two points. First, manual responses are more diverse than speech responses. For speech production there is only one output through the vocal tracts, while manual responses involve completely different responses (e.g., left vs. right hand response). In the present study the oral response is in one of three languages, but the manual response is one of six buttons. Second, the underlying processes that accumulate to an oral or manual response develop differently over time. Competing representations and responses start diverging at a later point in time for speech production than for manual responses as has been observed by ERPs and impact the behavioral responses differentially (Tillman and Wiens, 2011; Acheson et al., 2012; Timmer and Chen, 2017). The final performance (size of the switch cost) of an individual is affected by all sub-processes: those shared between tasks and those that have differential contributions (Declerck et al., 2017). Therefore, it is possible that most studies do not reveal correlation due to the sub-processes that differ, making it difficult to detect the contribution of possible shared processes. But due to the common sub-process the correlation might sometimes present regardless of the variation in other sub-processes. However, a conclusion of some shared sub-processes needs to be taken with caution.

Conclusion

To conclude, test–retest reliability for the n-1 shift cost is strong in both the non-linguistic and the linguistic domain, therefore, the n-1 shift cost is stable and can be used to test convergent validity across domains. In contrast, the reliability for the n-2 repetition cost that measures a different process was weaker, therefore the n-2 repetition cost should be used with caution when investigating correlations regarding cross-talk. While the n-1 shift cost seems to have at least some shared processes in the linguistic and non-linguistic domain, no conclusions can be drawn regarding the n-2 repetition cost.

Ethics Statement

The study was approved by the ethical committee board at Universitat Pompeu Fabra. All participants were adults aged 18 or more. At the beginning of the experimental session participants signed an informed consent form that stated a description of the experiment and stressed that the participant is free to leave the experiment at any time without providing any explanation to the experimenter. If the participant wants to proceed, they sign the consent form and the experiment commences.

Author Contributions

All authors substantially contributed to the conception or design of the manuscript, interpretation of the data for the manuscript, and revising the manuscript critically. KT and FB contributed to the data acquisition. KT contributed to the analysis of the data and critical drafting and revising of the manuscript. All authors are in agreement to be accountable for all aspects of the work in ensuring that questions related to the accuracy or integrity of any part of the work are appropriately investigated and resolved.

Funding

The research leading to these results has received funding from the Dutch Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) with grant 446-14-006 and from the Ministerio de Economía, Industria y Competitividad (MINECO) with the Juan de la Cierva grant (IJCI-2016-28564) awarded to KT. This work was also supported by grants from the Spanish government (PSI2014-52181-P and PSI2017-87784-R), the Catalan government (SGR 2009-1521 and 2017 SGR 268), the La Marató de TV3 Foundation (373/C/2014), and the European Research Council under the European Community’s Seventh Framework (FP7/2007–2013 Cooperation Grant Agreement 613465-AThEME). And last, MC was supported by the postdoctoral Ramón y Cajal fellowship (RYC-2013-14013) and FB was supported by the postdoctoral Marie Sklodowska-Curie fellowship (658341).

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Footnotes

  1. ^Note that the correlational analyses based on the original mixing and switch costs show a similar pattern of results as the analyses based on the proportional costs reported here, and the same conclusions would be drawn as described in the text.

References

Abutalebi, J., and Green, D. (2007). Bilingual language production: the neurocognition of language representation and control. J. Neurolinguist. 20, 242–275. doi: 10.1016/j.jneuroling.2006.10.003

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Acheson, D. J., Ganushchak, L. Y., Christoffels, I. K., and Hagoort, P. (2012). Conflict monitoring in speech production: physiological evidence from bilingual picture naming. Brain Lang. 123, 131–136. doi: 10.1016/j.bandl.2012.08.008

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Babcock, L., and Vallesi, A. (2015). Language control is not a one-size-fits-all languages process: evidence from simultaneous interpretation students and the n-2 repetition cost. Front. Psychol. 6:1622. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01622

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Beck, D. M., Schaefer, C., Pang, K., and Carlson, S. M. (2011). Executive function in preschool children: test-retest reliability. J. Cogn. Dev. 12, 169–193. doi: 10.1080/15248372.2011.563485

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Bobb, S. C., and Wodniecka, Z. (2013). Language switching in picture naming: what asymmetric switch costs (do not) tell us about inhibition in bilingual speech planning. J. Cogn. Psychol. 25, 568–585. doi: 10.1080/20445911.2013.792822

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Branzi, F. M., Calabria, M., Boscarino, M. L., and Costa, A. (2016a). On the overlap between bilingual language control and domain-general executive control. Acta Psychol. 166, 21–30. doi: 10.1016/j.actpsy.2016.03.001

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Branzi, F. M., Della Rosa, P. A., Canini, M., Costa, A., and Abutalebi, J. (2016b). Language control in bilinguals: monitoring and response selection. Cereb. Cortex 26, 2367–2380. doi: 10.1093/cercor/bhv052

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Branzi, F. M., Calabria, M., Gade, M., Fuentes, L. J., and Costa, A. (2018). On the bilingualism effect in task switching. Biling. Lang. Cogn. 21, 1–14. doi: 10.1017/S136672891600119X

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Calabria, M., Branzi, F. M., Marne, P., Hernández, M., and Costa, A. (2015). Age-related effects over bilingual language control and executive control. Biling. Lang. Cogn. 18, 65–78. doi: 10.1017/S1366728913000138

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Calabria, M., Hernández, M., Branzi, F. M., and Costa, A. (2011). Qualitative differences between bilingual language control and executive control: evidence from task-switching. Front. Psychol. 2:399. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2011.00399

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Cattaneo, G., Calabria, M., Marne, P., Gironell, A., Abutalebi, J., and Costa, A. (2015). The role of executive control in bilingual language production: a study with Parkinson’s disease individuals. Neuropsychologia 66, 99–110. doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2014.11.006

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Cicchetti, D. V., and Sparrow, S. A. (1981). Developing criteria for establishing interrater reliability of specific items: applications to assessment of adaptive behavior. Am. J. Men. Defic. 86, 127–137.

PubMed Abstract | Google Scholar

Costa, A., Miozzo, M., and Caramazza, A. (1999). Lexical selection in bilinguals: do words in the bilingual’s two lexicons compete for selection? J. Mem. Lang. 41, 365–397. doi: 10.1006/jmla.1999.2651

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Crocker, L. M., and Algina, J. (1986). Introduction to Classical and Modern Test Theory. Philadelphia, PA: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publishers.

Google Scholar

De Baene, W., Duyck, W., Brass, M., and Carreiras, M. (2015). Brain circuit for cognitive control is shared by task and language switching. J. Cogn. Neurosci. 27, 1752–1765. doi: 10.1162/jocn_a_00817

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Declerck, M., Grainger, J., Koch, I., and Philipp, A. M. (2017). Is language control just a form of executive control? Evidence for overlapping processes in language switching and task switching. J. Mem. Lang. 95, 138–145. doi: 10.1016/j.jml.2017.03.005

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Declerck, M., Koch, I., and Philipp, A. M. (2015). The minimum requirements of language control: evidence from sequential predictability effects in language switching. J. Exp. Psychol. Learn. Mem. Cogn. 41, 377–394. doi: 10.1037/xlm0000021

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Diamond, A. (2013). Executive functions. Annu. Rev. Psychol. 64, 135–168. doi: 10.1146/annurev-psych-113011-143750

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Dijkstra, T., and van Heuven, W. J. B. (2002). The architecture of the bilingual word recognition system: from identification to decision. Biling. Lang. Cogn. 5, 175–197. doi: 10.1017/S1366728902003012

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Donath, L., Ludyga, S., Hammes, D., Rossmeissl, A., Andergassen, N., Zahner, L., et al. (2017). Absolute and relative reliability of acute effects of aerobic exercise on executive function in seniors. BMC Geriatr. 17:247. doi: 10.1186/s12877-017-0634-x

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Fernández-Marcos, T., de la Fuente, C., and Santacreu, J. (2017). Test–retest reliability and convergent validity of attention measures. Appl. Neuropsychol. Adult doi: 10.1080/23279095.2017.1329145 [Epub ahead of print].

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Finkbeiner, M., Gollan, T. H., and Caramazza, A. (2006). Lexical access in bilingual speakers: what’s the (hard) problem? Biling. Lang. Cogn. 9, 153–166. doi: 10.1017/S1366728906002501

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Garbin, G., Sanjuan, A., Forn, C., Bustamante, J. C., Rodriguez-Pujadas, A., Belloch, V., et al. (2010). Bridging language and attention: brain basis of the impact of bilingualism on cognitive control. Neuroimage 53, 1272–1278. doi: 10.1016/j.neuroimage.2010.05.078

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Grainger, J., Midgley, K., and Holcomb, P. J. (2010). Re-thinking the bilingual interactive-activation model from a developmental perspective (BIA-d). Lang. Acquis. Across Linguist. Cogn. Syst. 52, 267–283. doi: 10.1075/btl.128.02gar

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Grange, J. A., Kowalczyk, A. W., and O’Loughlin, R. (2017). The effect of episodic retrieval on inhibition in task switching. J. Exp. Psychol. Hum. Percept. Perform. 43, 1568–1583. doi: 10.1037/xhp0000411

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Green, D. (1998). Mental control of the bilingual lexico-semantic system. Biling. Lang. Cogn. 1, 67–81. doi: 10.1017/S1366728998000133

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Hartanto, A., and Yang, H. (2016). Disparate bilingual experiences modulate task-switching advantages: a diffusion-model analysis of the effects of interactional context on switch costs. Cognition 150, 10–19. doi: 10.1016/j.cognition.2016.01.016

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Hedge, C., Powell, G., and Sumner, P. (2017). The reliability paradox: why robust cognitive tasks do not produce reliable individual differences. Behav. Res. Methods 50, 1166–1186. doi: 10.3758/s13428-017-0935-1

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Hernández, M., Martin, C. D., Barceló, F., and Costa, A. (2013). Where is the bilingual advantage in task-switching? J. Mem. Lang. 69, 257–276. doi: 10.1016/j.jml.2013.06.004

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Houtzager, N., Lowie, W., Sprenger, S., and De Bot, K. (2017). A bilingual advantage in task switching? Age-related differences between German monolinguals and Dutch-Frisian bilinguals. Biling. Lang. Cogn. 20, 69–79. doi: 10.1017/S1366728915000498

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Jurado, M. B., and Rosselli, M. (2007). The elusive nature of executive functions: a review of our current understanding. Neuropsychol. Rev. 17, 213–233. doi: 10.1007/s11065-007-9040-z

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Kowalczyk, A. W., and Grange, J. A. (2017). Inhibition in task switching: the reliability of the n - 2 repetition cost. Q. J. Exp. Psychol. 70, 2419–2433. doi: 10.1080/17470218.2016.1239750

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

La Heij, W. (2005). “Selection processes in monolingual and bilingual lexical access,” in Handbook of Bilingualism Psycholinguistic Approaches, Vol. 2, eds J. F. Kroll and A. M. B. De Groot (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 289–307.

Google Scholar

Landis, J. R., and Koch, G. G. (1977). The measurement of observer agreement for categorical data. Biometrics 33, 159–174. doi: 10.2307/2529310

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Mayr, U., and Keele, S. W. (2000). Changing internal constraints on action: the role of backward inhibition. J. Exp. Psychol. Gen. 129, 4–26. doi: 10.1037/0096-3445.129.1.4

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Meiran, N. (2010). “Task switching: mechanisms underlying rigid vs. flexible self control,” in Self Control in Society, Mind and Brain, ed. K. N. Ochsner (New York, NY: Oxford University Press).

Google Scholar

Miller, J., and Ulrich, R. (2013). Mental chronometry and individual differences: modeling reliabilities and correlations of reaction time means and effect sizes. Psychon. Bull. Rev. 20, 819–858. doi: 10.3758/s13423-013-0404-5

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Miyake, A., Friedman, N. P., Emerson, M. J., Witzki, A. H., Howerter, A., and Wager, T. D. (2000). The unity and diversity of executive functions and their contributions to complex “frontal lobe” tasks: a latent variable analysis. Cogn. Psychol. 41, 49–100. doi: 10.1006/cogp.1999.0734

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Munakata, Y., Herd, S. A., Chatham, C. H., Depue, B. E., Banich, M. T., and O’Reilly, R. C. (2011). A unified framework for inhibitory control. Trends Cogn. Sci. 15, 453–459. doi: 10.1016/j.tics.2011.07.011

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Paap, K. R., and Greenberg, Z. I. (2013). There is no coherent evidence for a bilingual advantage in executive processing. Cogn. Psychol. 66, 232–258. doi: 10.1016/j.cogpsych.2012.12.002

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Paap, K. R., Myuz, H. A., Anders, R. T., Bockelman, M. F., Mikulinsky, R., and Sawi, O. M. (2017). No compelling evidence for a bilingual advantage in switching or that frequent language switching reduces switch cost. J. Cogn. Psychol. 29, 89–112. doi: 10.1080/20445911.2016.1248436

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Paap, K. R., and Sawi, O. (2016). The role of test-retest reliability in measuring individual and group differences in executive functioning. J. Neurosci. Methods 274, 81–93. doi: 10.1016/j.jneumeth.2016.10.002

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Periáñez, J. A., and Barceló, F. (2009). Updating sensory versus task representations during task-switching: insights from cognitive brain potentials in humans. Neuropsychologia 47, 1160–1172. doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2009.01.014

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Pettigrew, C., and Martin, R. C. (2016). The role of working memory capacity and interference resolution mechanisms in task switching. Q. J. Exp. Psychol. 69, 2431–2451. doi: 10.1080/17470218.2015.1121282

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Philipp, A., and Koch, I. (2006). Task inhibition and task repetition in task switching. Eur. J. Cogn. Psychol. 18, 624–639. doi: 10.1080/09541440500423269

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Philipp, A. M., Gade, M., and Koch, I. (2007). Inhibitory processes in language switching: evidence from switching language-defined response sets. Eur. J. Cogn. Psychol. 19, 395–416. doi: 10.1080/09541440600758812

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Philipp, A. M., and Koch, I. (2009). Inhibition in language switching: what is inhibited when switching between languages in naming tasks? J. Exp. Psychol. Learn. Mem. Cogn. 35, 1187–1195. doi: 10.1037/a0016376

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Prior, A., and Gollan, T. H. (2011). Good language-switchers are good task-switchers: evidence from Spanish–English and mandarin–English bilinguals. J. Int. Neuropsychol. Soc. 17, 682–691. doi: 10.1017/S1355617711000580

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Prior, A., and Gollan, T. H. (2013). The elusive link between language control and executive control: a case of limited transfer. J. Cogn. Psychology 25, 622–645. doi: 10.1080/20445911.2013.821993

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Prior, A., and Macwhinney, B. (2010). A bilingual advantage in task switching. Biling. Lang. Cogn. 13, 253–262. doi: 10.1017/s1366728909990526

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Raven, J., Raven, J. C., and Court, J. H. (1998). Manual for Raven’s Advanced Progressive Matrices. Oxford: Oxford Psychologists Press.

Google Scholar

Rey-Mermet, A., Gade, M., and Oberauer, K. (2017). Should we stop thinking about inhibition? searching for individual and age differences in inhibition ability. J. Exp. Psychol. Learn. Mem. Cogn. 44, 501–526. doi: 10.1037/xlm0000450

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Roelofs, A. (1998). Lemma selection without inhibition of languages in bilingual speakers. Biling. Lang. Cogn. 1, 94–95. doi: 10.1017/S1366728998000194

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Soveri, A., Lehtonen, M., Karlsson, L. C., Lukasik, K., Antfolk, J., and Laine, M. (2016). Test–retest reliability of five frequently used executive tasks in healthy adults. Appl. Neuropsychol.Adult 25, 155–165. doi: 10.1080/23279095.2016.1263795

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Tillman, C. M., and Wiens, S. (2011). Behavioral and ERP indices of response conflict in Stroop and flanker tasks. Psychophysiology 48, 1405–1411. doi: 10.1111/j.1469-8986.2011.01203.x

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Timmer, K., and Chen, Y. (2017). Dutch-Cantonese bilinguals show segmental processing during Sinitic language production. Front. Psychol. 8:1133. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2017.01133

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Timmer, K., Christoffels, I. K., and Costa, C. (2018). On the flexibility of bilingual language control: the effect of language context. Biling. Lang. Cogn. doi: 10.1017/S1366728918000329

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Timmer, K., Grundy, J. G., and Bialystok, E. (2017). Earlier and more distributed neural networks for bilinguals than monolinguals during switching. Neuropsychologia 106, 245–260. doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2017.09.017

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Weissberger, G. H., Gollan, T. H., Bondi, M. W., Clark, L. R., and Wierenga, C. E. (2015). Language and task switching in the bilingual brain: bilinguals are staying, not switching, experts. Neuropsychologia 66, 193–203. doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2014.10.037

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Williams, L. M., Simms, E., Clark, C. R., Paul, R. H., Rowe, D., and Gordon, E. (2005). The test-retest reliability of a standardized neurocognitive and neurophysiological test battery: “Neuromarker.”. Int. J. Neurosci. 115, 1605–1630. doi: 10.1080/00207450590958475

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Willoughby, M., and Blair, C. (2011). Test-retest reliability of a new executive function battery for use in early childhood. Child Neuropsychol. 17, 564–579. doi: 10.1080/09297049.2011.554390

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Keywords: bilingual language control, executive control, test–retest reliability, cross-talk, switching costs

Citation: Timmer K, Calabria M, Branzi FM, Baus C and Costa A (2018) On the Reliability of Switching Costs Across Time and Domains. Front. Psychol. 9:1032. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2018.01032

Received: 07 February 2018; Accepted: 31 May 2018;
Published: 22 June 2018.

Edited by:

Antonino Vallesi, Università degli Studi di Padova, Italy

Reviewed by:

Kenneth R. Paap, San Francisco State University, United States
Yanping Dong, Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, China

Copyright © 2018 Timmer, Calabria, Branzi, Baus and Costa. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Kalinka Timmer, kalinkatimmer@gmail.com

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.