² J.H.S. xxxi. (1911), p. lix.

³ I especially refer to some of the strange linguistic freaks of Dr. Hempl. Prof. A. Cuny has faithfully dealt with some of these in the Revue des Études Anciennes T. xiv. (1912), pp. 95, 96. The more plausible attempt of Miss Stawell leaves me entirely unconvinced.

⁴ ‘Tombs’ of Anchises—the baetylic pillar may also be regarded as sepulchral— were erected in many places, from the Phrygian Ida to the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Eryx.

⁵ See my ‘Mycenaean Tree and Pillar-Cult’ (J.H.S. 1901), pp. 81. 83, and p. 79, Fig. 53.

⁶ Op. cit. p. 78, Fig. 52.

⁷ There is no foundation for the view that the later oblong structure at Hagia Triada is a megaron of Mainland type. The mistake, as was pointed out by Noack, (Ovalhaus und Palast in Kreta, p. 27Google Scholar, n 24), and as I had independently ascertained, was due to the omission of one of the three cross-walls on the Italian plan. By the close of the Minoan Age in Crete (L.M. III. b) the Mainland type of house seems to have been making its way in Crete. An example has been pointed out by Dr.Oelmann, (Ein Achäisches Herrenhaus auf Kreta, Jahrb. d. Arch. Inst. xxvii. (1912), p. 38Google Scholar, seqq.) in a house of the Re-Occupation Period at Gournià, though there is no sufficient warrant for calling it ‘Achaean.’ It is also worth observing that one of the small rooms into which the large ‘megaron’ of the ‘Little Palace’ at Knossos was broken up in the Re-Occupation Period has a stone-built oven or fire-place set up in one corner. This seems to represent a Mainland innovation.

⁸ This concluding and very distinctive phase may be described as Late Minoan III. b. (see preceding note) and answers at Knossos to the Period of Re-Occupation, L.M. III. a being represented there by the cemetery of Zafer Papoura, which fills a hiatus on the Palace site. Judging from figures on very late lentoid bead-seals in soft material (steatite) the long tunic of Mainland fashions was coming in at the very close of the Minoan Age in Crete.

⁹ In course of publication.

¹⁰ The gem Fig. 1a is from Central Crete (steatite). 1b is from Siteia (cornelian).

¹¹ Fig. 2 is taken from a diagrammatic sketch kindly supplied me by Mr. J. D. Bourchier, which accompanied hia account of these discoveries in the Times.

¹² Ἀσπίς, vv. 237 seqq. cf. Tsuntas, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1891, pp. 20Google Scholar, 21, and Μυκῆναι, p. 94; (Tsuntas, and Manatt, , Myc. Age, pp. 214, 215Google Scholar).

¹³ In the same way epitomized versions of the scenes on the Vapheio Cups are found in a series of ancient gems. The taurokathapsia of the Knossos frescoes also reappears in intaglios and there are many other similar hints of the indebtedness of the minor to the greater art, of which the ‘Skylla’ mentioned below is probably an example.

¹⁴ The curious cuirass which has almost the appearance of being of basket-work seen on the Harvesters' Vase and on seal impressions from H. Triada and Zakro has been cited as shewing that the corslet was known at a very early period (M.M. III. L.M. I.). This particular type, however, has as yet been only found in connexion with religious or ceremonial scenes and not in association with arms of offence.

¹⁵ I may refer to my remarks on this in ‘Mycenaean Cyprus as illustrated by the British Museum Excavations’ (Journal of the Anthr. Inst. vol. xxx. 1900, pp. 209, seqq. and see esp. p. 213). The round targe was now beginning.

¹⁶ In the Ashmolean Museum; as yet unpublished.

¹⁷ Il. xv. 645 seqq.

¹⁸ I note that Professor Gilbert Murray, who seems to regard the cuirass as a late element, still sums up his views regarding the armour and tactics of the Homeric poems as follows: ‘The surface speaks of the Late Ionian fighting, the heart of the fighting is Mycenaean’ (The Rise of the Greek Epic, p. 140). This latter point is the gist of the whole matter. But it is difficult to accept the view that the cultural phase represented by the Homeric poems in their characteristic shape is ‘Late Ionian.’ The ‘Late Ionians’ no longer used bronze for their weapons. Moreover they were well acquainted with writing and wore signet-rings.

¹⁹ See my Report, , B.S.A. No. ix. p. 58.Google Scholar

²⁰ Rudely scratched seal-stones of Early Geometric date exist, but they are of soft materials.

²¹ Helbig for instance (Hom. Epos, p. 277) finds a comparison in a type of gold fibulae, with double pins and surmounted by rows of gold Sphinxes, from seventh- or sixth-century graves of Caere and Praeneste. Ridgeway (The Early Age of Greece, i. 446) cites in the same connexion ‘brooches in the form of dogs and horses found at Hallstatt.’ The best representative of the ‘dog’ brooches of this class seem to be those from the cemetery of S. Lucia in Carniola (Marchisetti, , Necropoli di S. Lucia, presso Tolmino, Tav. xv. Figs. 9, 10Google Scholar), where in each case a small bird is seen in front of the hound. A somewhat more naturalistic example gives the key to this: the original of the dog is a cat-like animal (Op. cit. Tav. xx. Fig. 12). We have here in fact a subject ultimately derived from the Nilotic scenes in which ichneumons are seen hunting ducks. The same motive is very literally reproduced on the inlaid dagger blade from Mycenae and recurs in variant forms in Minoan Art. The Late Hallstatt fibulae of this class are obviously the derivatives of classical prototypes belonging to the seventh century B.C. (In one case a winged Sphinx takes the place of the cat, or pard, before the bird.) These derivatives date themselves from the sixth and even the fifth century B.C., since the last named example was found together with a fibula of the ‘Certosa’ class. The S. Lucia cemetery itself according to its explorer (op. cit. p. 313) dates only from about 600 B.C. It will be seen from this how little these Late Hallstatt ‘dog’ fibulae have to do with the design of Ulysses' brooch.

²² The early ‘fiddle-bow’ type is hardly found before the L.M. III. period, when the art of gem-engraving was already in its decline.

²³ The Rise of the Greek Epic, p. 219. Professor Murray remarks (op. cit. p. 215). ‘The poets of our Iliad scarcely need to have seen a lion. They have their stores of traditional similes taken from almost every moment of a lion's life.’

²⁴ Among recent discoveries are a whole series of Late Minoan vases from Tiryns with inscriptions representing a mainland type of the developed Linear Script of Minoan Crete.

²⁵ The exceptional character of these objects and the appearance of Mycenaean motives on one signet side by side with Classical subjects on the others made it necessary, in spite of their appearance of undoubted antiquity, to submit them to the severest expertise. I had them examined by a series of the best judges of such objects, but all were unanimous both as to the antiquity of the signets and as to the fact that the ivory had not been re-cut and re-engraved in later times. Examination of various parts of the surface under a strong microscope confirmed these results. In order, however, to make assurance doubly sure I decided on a crucial test. I entrusted to Mr. W. H. Young, the highly experienced formatore and expert in antiquities of the Ashmolean Museum, the delicate task of re-breaking two of the ivory signets along a line of earlier fracture that followed the major axis of each, and of removing all extraneous materials due to previous mendings or restoration. The results of this internal analysis were altogether conclusive. The cause of the longitudinal fracture was explained in the case of the signet, Fig. 7, by the swelling of the silver pin due to oxidization. The whole of the metal, transmuted to the purple oxide characteristic of decayed silver, was here within. In the case of the other signet (Fig. 5) this had been replaced by a new pin in recent times, and on removing this the whole of the perforation was visible, and proved to be of the ancient character. The ivory has heen attacked at both ends by a tubular drill, the two holes meeting irregularly near the middle. The modern method of drilling is of course quite different. It is done with a chisel pointed instrument and proceeds continuously from one end.

²⁶ The correspondence of one of the scenes on the third ring with a type on a gold-bead from Mycenae suggests, however, that its prototypes were taken from the Mainland side.

²⁷ An amygdaloid Late Minoan or Mycenaean gem representing a ship, set into a silver hoop of this type, found at Eretria, is in my own collection.

²⁸ As for instance in the attitude of the ibex (Fig b) and in the type of the Chimaera. The facing Sphinx (Fig. a) is carelessly engraved and presents an abnormal aspect. Of its genuine antiquity, however, there can be no doubt. (See note 23.)

²⁹ Mycenae, p. 174, Fig. 253.

³⁰ Furtwängler, , Antike Gemmen, Pl. II. 2Google Scholar, and cf. Reichel, , Homerische Waffen, p. 7Google Scholar, Fig. 6. A strange and indescribably misleading representation of this gem is given in Schliemann, , Mycenae, p. 202Google Scholar, Fig. 313.

³¹ Il. xv. 645 seqq.