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Abstract
Comparable features of dialect differences between Black and White Standard English in the Central South of the United States are adduced to support the author’s hypothesis that the direction of speech programming proceeds from concept (la parole non-organisée) to verbalization (la parole organisée) and that in this process the phonological component can in no way be considered the last to appear, but is close to the semantic component and likely to precede the syntactic component. Tests of perceived well-formedness equally confirm this hypothesis.
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