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3. The xerox copies of Shafarevich's article have been widely circulated among the Russian population (Bill Keller, “Russian Nationalists: Yearning for an Iron Hand,” The New York Times Magazine, 28 January 1990, p. 46.).Google Scholar

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5. A recent opinion poll, taken in December 1988 by the All–Union Centre of Public Opinion and published in Moscow News, demonstrated Shafarevich-like intolerance by the Russian population toward those perceived as socially undesirable. Seventy percent approved of the death penalty for criminals, while thirty-three percent supported the “liquidation” of prostitutes, drug addicts and homosexuals. Twenty-two percent demanded death for rockers, AIDS victims and the handicapped. Nine percent wanted to wipe out even beggars and alcoholics (“Homo Sovieticus: A Rough Sketch,” Moscow News, No. 11, 25 March–1 April 1990, p. 11.).Google Scholar

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58. Ibid., pp. 178–179.Google Scholar

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60. Ibid., p. 354.Google Scholar

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64. Programma demokraticheskogo dvizheniia Sovetskogo Soiuza.Google Scholar

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84. Programma demokraticheskogo dvizheniia, p. 54.Google Scholar

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86. “A Word to the Nation,” Survey , Vol. 16, No. 1, Winter 1971, pp. 191-199. The Veche editorial article entitled “‘Survey’ o russkom natsionalizme,” pointed out that “A Word to the Nation (Slovo natsii)” was written in response to part of the “anti-Russian” Program of the Democratic Movement (Arkhiv Samizdata, No. 2040, [Veche, No. 9], pp. 171-172).Google Scholar

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90. Ibid., p. 147.Google Scholar

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95. In his press conference in Zurich (November 16, 1974) Alexander Solzhenitsyn stated that his article, “Raskaianie i samoogranicheniie kak kategorii natsional'noi zhizni” (Iz-pod glyb, Moskva, 1974, [Paris: YMCA-Press, 1974], pp. 115–250), was directed against the authors of Metanoia. See Dve press-konferentsii k sborniku “Iz-pod glyb” (Paris: YMCA Press, 1974), p. 50. For Solzhenitsyn's comments on Metanoia see also Vestnik R. Kh. D., No. 111, 1974, p. 7.Google Scholar

96. Osipov, Vladimir, “Three Attitudes Toward the Homeland” in An Anthology , p. 394. In Russian, Vladimir Osipov, Tri otnosheniia k rodine , pp. 25–34.Google Scholar

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99. Ibid., p. 397.Google Scholar

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101. Ibid., p. 28.Google Scholar

102. Ibid., p. 29.Google Scholar

103. Osipov, Vladimir, “Pis'mo v redaktsiiu zhurnala ’Vestnik R. Kh. D‘,” Vestnik R. Kh. D., No. 106, p. 295.Google Scholar

104. Osipov, Vladimir, Tri otnosheniia k rodine, p. 203.Google Scholar

105. Samizdata, Arkhiv, No. 1140 (Veche, No. 4), p. 132.Google Scholar

106. “Otryvki iz dnevnika” in Arkhiv Samizdata, No. 1140 (Veche, No. 4), p. 43. Compare I. Starozhubaev, “Neskol'ko slov po povodu” in Arkhiv Samizdata, No. 1775 (Veche, No. 7), p. 78. Mikhail Agurskii, a contributor to Solzhenitsyn's collection Iz-pod glyb, recognized defensive patriotism as a legitimate expression of Russian national protest and general recognition of the suffering of the Russian masses sacrificed for Soviet objectives which they did not understand. See Michail Agursky, “Contemporary Russian Nationalism–History Revisited,” Research Paper (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, The Soviet and East European Centre, 1982), No. 45, January, pp. 2–3.Google Scholar

107. Osipov, Vladimir, “Pis'mo v redaktsiiu,” p. 295. Compare correspondence between A. E. Krasnov-Levitin and Vladimir Osipov in the ninth issue of Veche (A. E. Krasnov, “Pis'mo redaktoru zhurnala ’Veche‘ V. N. Osipovu,” and “Otvet V. N. Osipova–A. E. Krasnovu,” in Arkhiv Samizdata, No. 2040 [Veche, No. 9], pp. 180–194).Google Scholar

108. Osipov, Vladimir, Tri otnosheniia k rodine, p. 8. Similarly, an anonymous Russian Orthodox priest expressed his concern about the future of Russia's youth (“Zaiavlenie sviashchennika” in Arkhiv Samizdata, No. 1020 [Veche, No. 2], p. 103).Google Scholar

109. Borisov, V. M., “Natsional'noe vozrazhdenie i natsiia–lichnost',” Iz-pod glyb, pp. 199–215.Google Scholar

110. Ibid., p. 200.Google Scholar

111. Shafarevich, I. R., “Obosoblenie ili sblizhenie,” Iz–pod glyb , p. 113. Compare Solzhenitsyn's comments on Shafarevich's article in Dve press-konferentsii , p. 45.Google Scholar

112. In his interview with the Associated Press on 25 April 1972, Osipov pointed to the Chinese threat as one of the reasons for the new nationalist movement represented in Veche (Vladimir Osipov, Tri otnosheniia k rodine, p. 202).Google Scholar

113. Solzhenitsyn, A., Pis'mo vozhdiam Sovetskogo Soiuza (Paris: YMCA-Press, 1974), p. 14. In the forward to the émigré edition Solzhenitsyn stated that his Letter was motivated by a single idea: “How to avoid a national catastrophe” (A. Solzhenitsyn, Pis'mo vozhdiam, p. 5).Google Scholar

114. Ibid., p. 26.Google Scholar

115. Osipov, Vladimir, “Pis'mo v redaktsiiu,” p. 295.Google Scholar

116. Starozhubaev, I., “Neskol'ko slov po povodu,” p. 81.Google Scholar

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119. Shafarevich, I. R., “Osoblenie ili sblizhenie,” p. 106. In his chapter “The Influence of the Orthodox Church on Russian Ethnic Identity” Michael Meerson-Aksenov stated that “the psychology of a small, colonized ethnic group is characteristic of Russian ethnocentrist patriotism. It is preservationist patriotism, suffering from an anticolonial complex directed against a certain form of cosmopolitan danger–Marxism.” See Edward Allworth, ed., Ethnic Russia in the USSR, p. 111.Google Scholar

120. Shafarevich, I. R., “Osoblenie ili sblizhenie,” p. 104. Borisov, in one of the major articles of the Iz-pod glyb collection entitled “Natsional'noe vozrazhdenie i natsia-lichnost',” described Marxist ideology as primarily the ideology of national nihilism. A new Communist society was supposed to be built in the place of old Russia. “Marxism in Russia,” wrote Borisov, “undertook such an ‘overcoming’ of nationhood, the likes of which world history had never known” (p. 215). As a result, in a short time the Russian nation lost almost entirely its historical memory, crucial for the preservation of national identity. Furthermore, the annihilation of Russian historical traditions and the replacement of Russian Orthodoxy with the new atheistic faith led to the destruction of Russian national culture.Google Scholar

121. Shafarevich, I. R., “Est'-li u Rossii budushchee?” Iz-pod glyb, p. 276.Google Scholar

122. An anonymous author of “Mysli-prozhektory” wrote, “Russia will be resurrected in spite of everything and everyone. There should be meaning in suffering!” (“Mysli-prozhektory,” p. 29).Google Scholar

123. Shafarevich, I. R., “Est'-li u Rossiii budushchee?” p. 264. In his comments on the Iz-pod glyb collection, Evgenii Barabanov argued that the Christian initiative is a spiritual activity against evil in the world (Dve press-koferentsii, p. 26). Solzhenitsyn in his article, “Obrazovanshchina,” called for personal sacrifice. In his view, the new real Russian intelligentsia should primarily be a “sacrificial elite” (Solzhenitsyn, A. I., “Obrazovanshchina,” Iz-pod glyb , p. 255).Google Scholar

124. The image of crucified Russia suffering for universal salvation was best presented in the preaching of Father Dudko in his samizdat essay, “S russkoi gol'goty” (“V svete preobrazheniia,” Vol'noe slovo, Posev, No. 33, 1979, p. 49).Google Scholar

Some nationalist writers saw sacrificial tendencies throughout the entirety of Russian history. For example, B. Ibragimov described Russia's past in terms of her heroic sacrifice for the sake of the European Christian community. In his idealized interpretation of Russian history, thirteenth-century Russia had rescued Europe from the Tatar invasion by absorbing the enemy into her own flesh and blood. Russia's war with Napoleon in 1812 has been portrayed as a deadly struggle against the Anti-Christ. And, finally, the Russian victory over fascist Germany saved Europe from barbarism quite similar to that of the Tatar yoke (Ibragimov, L., p. 311).Google Scholar

Leonid Borodin, a former member of a Leningrad dissident nationalist organization VSKhSON, in his article “O russkoi intelligentsii,” openly defended the sacrificial character of Russia's history as an important part of her national heritage. In particular, he portrayed the Soviet historical experience in terms of Russia's sacrifice to supply the West with “practical” knowledge of Communism (L. Borodin, “O russkoi intelligentsii,” Grani, No. 96, 1975, p. 248).Google Scholar

125. Korsakov, F., “Russkie sud'by,” Iz-pod glyb , p. 169.Google Scholar

126. Solzhenitsyn, A. I., “Obrazovanshchina,” p. 228.Google Scholar

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128. Ibid., p. 227.Google Scholar

129. Ibid., p. 229. Dmitrii Pospelovskii in his article “Vol'nye mysli o sbornike ‘Iz-po glyb’,” also pointed out that, in spite of his criticism, Solzhenitsyn to a large extent agreed with O. Altaev (Pospelovskii, D., “Vol'nye mysli o sbornike ‘Iz-pod glyb’ ,” Grani, No. 97, 1975, p. 184).Google Scholar

130. Solzhenitsyn, A. I., “Obrazovanshchina,” p. 230.Google Scholar

131. Ibid., p. 237.Google Scholar

132. According to Solzhenitsyn's low esteem of the Russian population, neither workers nor “smatterers” were capable of a passive, Ghandi-like protest against the Soviet authorities (Solzhenitsyn, A. I., “Obrazovanshchina,” p. 256).Google Scholar

133. Nelidov, Dmitrii, p. 281.Google Scholar

134. Solzhenitsyn, A. I., “Obrazovanshchina,” p. 136.Google Scholar

135. Osipov, Vladimir, “Pis'mo v redaktsiiu,” p. 295.Google Scholar

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138. Ibid., p. 85.Google Scholar

139. Ibid., p. 96.Google Scholar

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141. Ibid., p. 47.Google Scholar

142. Ibid., p. 111.Google Scholar

143. Ibid., p. 108.Google Scholar

144. Ibid., p. 111.Google Scholar

145. Ibid., p. 7.Google Scholar

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147. In his editorial note, Michael Meerson-Aksenov pointed to the influence of the Metanoia articles on Solzhenitsyn (An Anthology, p. 353).Google Scholar

148. Solzhenitsyn, A. I., “Raskaianie i samoogranichenie,” Iz-pod glyb , p. 130.Google Scholar

149. Ibid., p. 128.Google Scholar

150. Ibid., p. 127.Google Scholar

151. Ibid., p. 147. Gorskii's influence can be seen in Solzhenitsyn's passionate denial of Communist messianism in his Letter to the Soviet Leaders (Solzhenitsyn, A., Pis'mo vozhdiam, p. 47).Google Scholar

152. Shafarevich, I. R., “Osoblenie ili sblizhenie,” p. 111.Google Scholar

153. Compare Solzhenitsyn, A. I., “Raskaianie i samoogranichenie,” p. 137.Google Scholar

154. Ibid., p. 143.Google Scholar

155. See “The VSKhSON Program,” in John Dunlop, The New Russian Revolutionaries , p. 292.Google Scholar

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157. In “Section II” of the VSKhSON Program the authors contended that even “Fascism…does not represent as all-encompassing a tyranny as Communism” (Dunlop, John, The New Russian Revolutionaries, p. 256).Google Scholar

158. Paradoxically, the members of the VSKhSON, strongly influenced by Berdiaev's philosophy, rejected Berdiaev's basic idea about the specifically Russian character of Communism in the Soviet Union. Compare Nikolai Berdiaev, Russkaia ideia (Paris: YMCA-Press, 1971), pp. 249–250.Google Scholar

159. Compare “Section III” of the VSKhSON Program in John Dunlop, The New Russian Revolutionaries , p. 268.Google Scholar

160. Solzhenitsyn, A. I., “Raskaianie i samoogranichenie,” p. 118.Google Scholar

161. Ibid., p. 126.Google Scholar

162. Shafarevich, I. R., “Obosoblenie ili sblizhenie,” p. 99.Google Scholar

163. Siniavskii, Andrei, in his thoughtful article,“Russian Nationalism,” published in 1988 in a Radio Liberty Research Bulletin, described the concept of “self” (svoi) and “other” (chuzhoi) as deeply rooted in the Russian national character and enhanced by the Soviet government's constant hostility toward the West (Andrei Sinyavsky, “Russian Nationalism,” Russian Nationalism Today, Radio Liberty Research Bulletin, 19 December 1988 [Special Edition], pp. 30–31). According to Siniavskii, Russians' feelings of inferiority and distrust of other peoples found expression in their notorious xenophobia. Both the feeling of national inferiority and xenophobia, in turn, could be viewed as a reflection of the much more basic instinct of envy. During the October Revolution such envy was used to fuel the class struggle and, in the time of glasnost, it manifested itself in Russian hatred of Jews–the symbolic “foreign object in the body of the Soviet Union” (p. 31).Google Scholar

164. Nelidov, Dmitrii in his socio-psychological analysis of the ideocratic consciousness stated that the theory of enemies played a crucial role in sustaining the ideocratic state which fed on people's fear. “Without enemies,” he wrote,”‘double think’ could simply not exist…” (p. 287).Google Scholar

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166. Osipov, Vladimir, Tri otnosheniia k rodine, p. 128.Google Scholar

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168. Ibid., p. 246.Google Scholar

169. Osipov, Vladimir, Tri otnosheniia k rodine, p. 18.Google Scholar

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175. Agurskii, Mikhail, “The Intensification of Neo-Nazi Dangers in the Soviet Union” in An Anthology, p. 414. Agurskii, Mikhail, a friend of Solzhenitsyn and one of the contributors to the Iz-pod glyb collection, saw the Russian national movement as a powerful obstacle for neo-Nazism. Agurskii defended Solzhenitsyn's Letter as the only “humanist alternative in Russia to racism and neo-Nazism” (p. 418). In his view, Christian religion was the only deterrent against Soviet racism which was “a new form of paganism” (p. 419).Google Scholar

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177. Compare Duncan, Peter J. S., “The Fate of Russian Nationalism,” pp. 48–49.Google Scholar

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179. “Ia veriu v nash narod–na vsekh urovniakh,” Posev, No. 4, 1979, p. 24.Google Scholar

180. Ibid. In his émigré article “Literaturnyi protsess v Rossii,” Siniavskii blamed Russia for the agony of emigration in the following words: “Everybody runs and runs away. Russia the mother, Russia the bitch, you will answer for that too” (Siniavskii, Andrei, “Literaturnyi protsess v Rossiii,” Kontinent , No. 1, 1974, p. 183). Both Solzhenitsyn and Shafarevich quoted Siniavskii's words as the classical example of “russophobia.” Compare Dve press-konferentsii, p. 17, p. 49.Google Scholar

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184. Ibid., p. 4.Google Scholar

185. Ibid., p. 5.Google Scholar

186. Ibid., p. 6.Google Scholar

187. Ianov, Aleksandr, “Na polputi k Leont'evu” in Vadim Belotserkovskii, ed., Demokraticheskie al'ternativy (F.R.G.: Akhbert, 1976), pp. 188–202.Google Scholar

188. Ianov, Aleksandr, “D'iavol meniaet oblik,” Sintaksis , No. 6, 1980, pp. 88–110.Google Scholar

189. Ibid., p. 100.Google Scholar

190. Ianov, Aleksandr, “Na polputi k Leont'evu,” p. 201.Google Scholar

191. Belotserkovskii, Vadim, “Russkii oppozitsionnyi natsionalizm–otkuda on?” in Iz portativnogo GULAGA rossiiskoi emigratsii (Miunkhen, 1983), p. 65.Google Scholar

192. Shafarevich, Igor', “Rusofobiia.” According to the editor's note, the article was written in the early 1980s (p. 167). However, Shafarevich often referred in the text to Amal'rik as if he were alive. Therefore, the article could not have been written later than 1980.Google Scholar

193. “A Letter to Solzhenitsyn,” Appendix No. 1 in An Anthology , p. 437.Google Scholar

194. “Critical Comments of a Russian Regarding the Patriotic Journal Veche,” Appendix No. 2 in An Anthology , pp. 438–448.Google Scholar

195. Ibid., p. 441.Google Scholar

196. Ibid., p. 442.Google Scholar

197. Compare L. Borodin, p. 254.Google Scholar

198. Pomerants, G., “Modernizatsiia nezapadnykh stran” in Samopoznanie , p. 217.Google Scholar

199. Shragin, Boris, “Toska po istorii,” in Samopoznanie , p. 246.Google Scholar

200. For example, in his article “The Intelligentsia and the Democratic Movement,” Volny, K. wrote: “In the life-giving spirit of the intelligentsia lies the key to the destinies of Eastern Europe and the whole world” (p. 189). Compare also G. Pomerants, “Posleslovie,” Neopublikovannoe , p. 335.Google Scholar

201. One could sense a certain deliberate malice in Amal'rik's writings. Though the title of his essay Will the Soviet Union Survive Until 1984? ended with a question mark, Amal'rik predicted the collapse of the Soviet state on the very first page of his essay (p. 5). Amal'rik's self-imposed masochistic detachment from his country reflected great suffering from extrangement and the spiritual malaise of his time rather than russophobia. As Pomerants wrote, “In order to rise above, one must hate one's own filth first” (Pomerants, G., Neopublikovannoe, p. 174).Google Scholar