¹ My thanks are due to Professor A. Alföldi, Mr. N. H. Baynes (to whose criticisms my fourth section is above all indebted), Mr. H. Mattingly, Mr. F. H. Sandbach, and Miss J. Toynbee for generous help.

² For ‘comprobo,’ cf. note 44, below.

³ Lommatzsch, E., Carmina latina epigraphies, 1920Google Scholar, interprets this as meaning ‘now at least you ought to have a statue.’

⁴ Dionys. Halicarn., Ant. Rom. ii. 68 f.; Propertius iv. 11, 53; Valerius Maximus, i. 1, 7.

On the coins of M. Lepidus, circa 65 B.C., we have a head of Aemilia, laureate and veiled (B. M. C. R. Rep. I, 450); on one of L. Livineius Regulus ca. B.C. 39, Aemilia standing with simpulum in her right hand and sceptre in her left (ibid. 580, clearly in honor, as Grueber remarks, of the triumvir Lepidus).

⁵ Nat. hist, xxviii. 13. Note also the story in Zosimus v. 38 of the effective curse of the old Vestal on Serena.

⁶ Münzer, Pauly-Wissowa, III, 2899 and E. Schmidt, Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten, VIII, 1 ff.; a supposed representation of Claudia Quinta with the legend ‘Vestalis’ on coins of C. Clodius C. f. Vestalis struck in B.C. 43 (B. M. C. R. Rep. I, 564). But she has a ‘cymbium,’ not the characteristic ‘simpulum,’ and I am inclined to share Groag's skepticism as to the connection (Pauly-Wissowa, IV, 105). If she is a Vestal, she may be, as Preuner suggests (Hestia-Vesta, 296), the Claudia who in 143 B.C. prevented a tribune from stopping her father's triumph. Miss Toynbee has drawn my attention to a medallion of Faustina the elder, showing Claudia Quinta accompanied by three women with torches; it is one of the series which she rightly regards as intended to stimulate public interest in preparation for Rome's 900th birthday in A.D. 147 (Classical Review, 1925, 170 ff.).

Servius Dan. in Aen. iii. 12 tells of two virgines who were sleeping ‘in templo deorum,’ presumably the temple of Vesta and the Penates, at Lavinium; the unchaste one was killed by lightning, the other felt nothing. Further, Ovid, Fasti iii. 699 ff., makes Vesta say that when Julius Caesar was attacked ‘ipsa uirum rapui simulacraque nuda reliqui.’

⁷ Ep. iv. 11, 7.

⁸ Relatio iii. 11, 14.

⁹ Contra Symmachum II, 1101 ff.; ib. 909 ff. he replies to the suggestion that this withdrawal has called forth famine as a sign of divine anger.

¹⁰ For this cf. Wissowa's admirable article, Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, XXII, and J. G. Frazer, Fasti of Ovid, iv. 270 f.

¹¹ Classical Quarterly, 1926, 107 ff. (priests of Asdepius [?] on Cos, of the African Saturn “[sac]erd. quos inposu[it],” of Zeus at Astypalaea, of Artemis on Patmos, actually of the members of a cult-association for the worship of Juppiter Dolichenus, ‘quos elegit Juppiter optimus maximus Dolichenus sibi servire’); [άποδειχθεὶς ὺπ] ὸ τοῦ Διὸς καὶ αἱρεθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς πατρίδος μου τὴν ἱερατεἰαν τοῦ Διός at Hajarly (Philadelpheia?; Keilvon Premerstein, Bericht über eine dritte Reise in Lydien, Denkschrift, Vienna Academy, LVII, i. 31, No. 37); ἐπιμελητὴς αίρεθεὶς 'Еϕκᾶς πηγῆς ὑπὸ 'Іαριβώλου τοῦ θεοῦ (Lebas-Waddington, Explic. des inscriptions 2571, A.D. 162; cf. notes 15, 16). On the significance of the lot cf. Ehrenberg's admirable discussion, Pauly-Wissowa, XIII, 1451 ff.

Mr. F. H. Sandbach has drawn my attention to an interesting parallel in the myth in Plutarch, De facie in orbe lunae, ch. 26. Certain Greeks chosen by lot go to the island of Kronos and serve him. After thirty years they are free to return home, but most do not (exactly like Vestals, we may remark). For this there are various reasons: ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ τὸ θεῖον ἐμποδὼν γίνεσθαι διανοηθεῖσιν ἀποπλεῖν, ὣσπερ συνήθεσι καὶ ϕίλοις ἐπιδεικνύμενον οὐκ ὄναρ μόνον οὐδὲ διὰ συμβόλων ἀλλὰ καὶ ϕανερῶς ἐντυγχάνειν πολλοὺς ὄψεσι δαιμόνων καὶ ϕωναῖς.

¹² Suet., Aug. 31, cumque in demortuae locum aliam capi oporteret ambirentque multi ne filias in sortem darent, adiuravit si cuiusquam neptium suarum competeret aetas, oblaturum se fuisse eam; Cassius Dio, lv. 22, 5.

^12a Cf. G. Giannelli, Il sacerdozio delle Vestali Romane, 54 ff.

¹³ Pausanias, x. 32, 13. Cf. Journal of Hellenic Studies, XLV, 95 ff.

¹⁴ Spiegelberg, Sitzungsberichte, Heidelberg Academy, 1922, iii. 4; Lefèbvre, Le tombeau de Petosiris, I, 137 (cf. 144, his ‘exaltation’ by Thot).

¹⁵ Note 11 above. On the spring cf. Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d'archéologie orientale, II, 1 ff.; Dussand, Notes de mythologie syrienne, 74 (he suggests that the god gave oracles by means of the spring as at Aphaca [Zosimus i. 58]).

¹⁶ Lebas-Waddington 2598. ὡς διὰ ταῦτα μαρτυρηθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ 'Іαριβώλου καὶ ὑπὸ 'Іουλίου [Φιλίππου] τοῦ ἐξοχωτάτου ἐπάρχου τοῦ ἱεροῦ πραιτωρίου καὶ τῆς πατρίδος. We can imagine some sort of ‘Gottesurteil’ taking the place of a εὒθυνα.

¹⁷ Cf. Journal of Hellenic Studies, XLV, 100 f.; Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, XLI; on the concept in Homer, Nilsson, Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, XXII, 365; and under the empire, Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen, 3d ed., 252 ff. Note also the striking phrase of Cleanthes' Hymn to Zeus, line 36, ὃϕρ' ἃν τιμηθἐντες ἀμειβώμεσθά σε τιμῆ, also Sappho, fr. 128. 5 Diehl, τετἰμακ' ἓξοχά σ' 'Аϕρόδιτα; as ‘worth’ of the goddess Theia in Pind. Isthm. 5, as interpreted by H. Fränkel, Gnomon, VI, 13, Schol. in Pind. Pyth., iii. 153a (ii. 84, 22 Drachmann); καὶ ὑπὸ θεῶν καὶ ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων τετιμῆσθαι; (of Cadmus) Plutarch, Q. G. 28, p. 297 E, Тένην ὡς τιμώμενον ὑπὸ 'Аπόλλωνος; and reliefs showing a person crowned by a deity (Demangel, B. C. H. L. 526). Cf. also Ignatius, ad Philadelph., 11, 2, τιμήσει αὐτοὺς ὁ κύριος 'Іησοῦς Xριστός, εἰς δν ἐλπίζουσιν σαρκί, ѱυχῆ, πνεύματι, πίστει, ἀγάπη, δμονοία, Picking up the previous εἰς λόγον τιμῆς ‘to do me honor,’ as Smyrn. 9, ὁ τιμῶν ἐπίσκοπον ὑπὸ θεοῦ τετίμητσι, according to a way of speaking common in Ignatius (cf. Lightfoot on Smyrn. 5); a prayer of Sarapion (Brightman, Journal of Theol. Studies, I, 102, 36) τἰμησον τὴν ἁγίαν σου καὶ μόνην καθολικὴν ἐκκλησίαν; and Artemidorus iii. 13 θεὸς εἲ τις ὑπολάβοι γενέσθαι ἱερεὺς ἃν γένοιτο ἢ μάντις τῆς γὰρ αὐτῆς τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ οῦτοι τυγχάνουσι τιμῆς (honor from men): Lefèbvre, Tombeau, I, 150, “qui honorera mon ka sera honoré”; 191, “quilouera mon ka, son ka sera loué”.

¹⁸ Discussed by me, Classical Quarterly, 1928. The Sardis text has an interesting formal analogy to ‘intercedente beato N.’ in collects. For this intermediate position compare that claimed by Antiochus I of Commagene for himself after death: νόμον τοῦτον καὶ τιμὰς ἡμετέρας διαϕυλάσσων καὶ παρὰ τῆς ἐμῆς εὐχῆς ἳλεως δαίμονας καὶ θεοὺς πάντας ἐχέτω. Dittenberger, Orientis graeci inscriptiones selectae, 383.

¹⁹ Cf. thereon S. Eitrem in Symbolae Osloenses, viii., and later. Marinus, Life of Proclus.

²⁰ Cassius Dio lxxvii. 16.

²¹ Ibid, lxxix. 9 (iii. 463 ed. Boissevain); Herodian v. 6, 3; cf. Historia Augusta, vita Heliog. 6, 5.

²² Herodian v. 6, 3.

²³ Vita 3, 4; 6, 7.

²⁴ Töpffer, Attische Genealogie, 146, to which Mr. C. T. Seltman kindly drew my attention.

²⁵ Cassius Dio lxxix. 21, 2; Herodian vi. 1, 3.

²⁶ N. H. Baynes, The Historia Augusta, 141 f. J. Bidez, La Vie de l'Empereur Julien, 390, regards the theory as “assez vraisemblable.” The interesting text on Sinai (C. I. L. III, 86), ‘cessent Syri ante Latinos Romanos,’ is dated roughly by Mommsen with the remark “litterae sunt infimi aevi,” and is regarded as possibly Byzantine. Whatever its time, it shows the attitude in question.

²⁷ For example, in Cohen, Monnaies, 2d ed., Alexander Severus, 519–526; Philip Senior, 164–170; Trebonianus, 105–108; Volusian, 112–114; Carus, 73; Diocletian, 431–432. As earlier under Hadrian, Mattingly-Sydenham, II, 370, 439; Antoninus, Cohen, 694, 698–703; Commodus, 647–650; Septimius Severus, 614–619; Caracalla, 554; Geta, 176. It is known that this sentiment was strong in Pannonia. In general cf. Friedländer-Wissowa, Sittengeschichte Roms, I, 32.

²⁸ Mattingly-Salisbury, Numismatic Chronicle, Fifth Series, 4 (1924), 235 ff.

²⁹ Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer, 367 f. I am much indebted to Mr. Baynes for drawing my attention to this and to Costa's discussion of the importance of Roman tradition for the Jovian and Herculian dynasties in Religione e Politica nell' Impero Romano.

³⁰ Mattingly-Salisbury, 234 f.

³¹ Mattingly-Sydenham-Webb, Roman Imperial Coinage, V, 109, No. 9; 115, Nos. 70, 71.

³² B. M. C. R. Emp. I, 383.

³³ Hist. Aug., vita Valer., 6.

³⁴ Marquardt-Wissowa, Römische Staatsverwaltung, 2d ed., III, 245.

³⁵ Kaiser Constantin und die christliche Kirche, 42.

³⁶ Technically Vesta's shrine is ‘aedes,’ not ‘templum’ (Varro ap. Aul. Gell. xiv. 7, 7: Wissowa in Roscher, Myth. Lex. VI, 248). Note in particular the phrases ‘Vesta populi Romani Quiritium’ and ‘Vesta deorum dearumque’ (on the latter Wissowa, l.c., 259). Vesta was invoked at the end of Roman public sacrifices, just as Janus was at the beginning (Wissowa, l.c., 257).

³⁷ Pro Fonteio 46–48. Cf. Expositio totius mundi et gentium (mid 4th cent. A.D.), which describes the Vestals as ‘quae sacra deorum pro salute ciuitatis secundum antiquorum morem perficiunt et uocantur uirgines Vestae’ (p. 72 f., line 446, ed. Lumbroso); Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. ix. 40, τὰ ἰερὰ θύει τὰ τῆς πόλεως οὐκ οῦσα καθαρά. In Cassius Dio lx. 5, 2, we read that Claudius ordered the Vestals to sacrifice to Livia.

³⁸ Aul. Gell. i. 12, 14, citing Fabius Pictor.

³⁹ M. P. Nilsson, Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, XXII, 376; and on δαίμων K. Latte, Actes V^ème Congr. Hist. Rel. (1929), 186 f.; H. Bolkestein, Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten, XXI, ii. 3 ff.; O. Immisch, Gnomon, VI, 269 ff.

⁴⁰ Cf. W. H. S. Jones, Classical Review, 1913, 252 ff. and F. M. Cornford, Greek Religious Thought from Homer to Alexander, x ff. Cf. also Preiswerk's instructive study of phrases such as ‘fato et ui Armini’ in АNTIΔΩPON, Festschrift Jacob Wackernagel, 51 ff., and, to take a late pagan example, Zosimus, i. 1, 2. ἀλλὰ τούτων μὲν οὐκ ἃν τις άνθρωπίνην ἰσχὺν αἰτιάσαιτο, Мοιρῶν δέ ἀνάγκην ἣ ἀστρῴων κινήσεων ἀποκαταστάσεις ἣ θεοῦ βούλησιν τοῖς ἐϕ' ἡμῖν μετὰ τὸ δίκαιον άκόλουθον οὺσαν.

⁴¹ Cf. Statius, Theb. x. 670, ‘rape mente deos, rape nobile fatum.’

⁴² For example, Petersen-von Luschan, Reisen im südwestlichen Kleinasien, II, 171, Мάνης Мίδου καὶ 'Аρτείμας Мίδου θεοῖς εὐχήν, and 172, 'Аρτέμων 'Eρμαίον δὶς τ[οῖς θ]εοῖς εὐχήν.

⁴³ For illustrations of this attitude under the Empire cf. Journal of Hellenic Studies, xlv, 90 f.; Bevue des études anciennes, xxx, 287. One may suffice here, a dedication at Frascati (Dessau, Inscriptiones latinae selectae, 3994), ‘numini deorum d. d. Q. Naeuius Carpus.’ For this external character of mythology, compare an Egyptian parallel in Norden, Geburt des Kindes, 82.

⁴⁴ Cf. Cicero, De domo sua 15, ‘erant qui deos immortalis — id quod ego sentio — numine suo reditum meum dicerent comprobasse’; 17, 143, ‘diuino me numine esse rei publicae redditum’; and Post reditum ad Quirites 18, ‘dis denique immortalibus frugum ubertate copia uilitate reditum meum comprobantibus.’ The plural can be used in a generalizing way; so in Phaedrus, App. 14, 33, ‘fauorem caelitum’, cf. 15 ‘Veneris misericordia’; cf. Thes. ling. Lat. VI, 384.61 ff., Ovid, Fasti iii. 705 (of the murderers of Julius Caesar) ‘at quicumque nefas ausi, prohibente deorum numine.’

⁴⁵ Dessau, 694. On the compatibility of the phrase with contemporary paganism, cf. De Rossi, Bulletino di archeologia cristiana, 1863, 58.

⁴⁶ Cf. E. R. Goodenough, Yale Classical Studies, I. For Persia, cf. Casartelli in Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, VII, 721; for Semitic analogies, A. S. Tritton, ib. 726: cf. the folk-tale of the king designated by an elephant (L. H. Gray, ib. 721, Indian), or by a dove (Meyer, W., Nachrichten, Göttingen Academy, 1916, 781Google Scholar ff.; Bousset, ib. 1917, 719; Gressmann, Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, XX, 1 ff., 323 ff.; Persian etc., as also by a ram). For Egypt, cf. Preisendanz, Papyri magici graeci, IV, 154. For the idea as Jewish, Strack-Billerbeck and Lietzmann on Rom. 13, 1; and as expressed by Jews in hellenistic literature, L. Cerfaux, Le Muséon, XXXVII, 29 ff., 58 ff. Note also Plut. Numa 6 (‘God does not let the great justice which is in you lie dormant’), discussed by K. Scott, Transactions of American Philological Association, LX.

⁴⁷ Anonymus in Müller, Fragm. hist. gr. IV, 197 [N. H. B.].

⁴⁸ Compare the hellenistic inscriptions in honor of Augustus discussed in my ‘Early Gentile Christianity’ (in Essays on the Trinity and the Incarnation, ed. A. E. J. Rawlinson), 89 f.; J. Stroux, Philol., LXXXIV, 233 ff. on similar language of Quintus Curtius; and Alföldi, Num. Chron., 5 Ser., IX (1929), 264 ff. on ‘messianic’ ideas in connection with Saloninus. The emperor is naturally protected by the gods; cf. such coin types as MARS AVGUSTUS CONSERVATOR AVGVSTI. On the Fourth Eclogue see now Alföldi, Hermes, LXV, 369 ff.

⁴⁹ De imperio Cn. Pompeii 47; cf. the ‘luck’ of Sulla.

⁵⁰ As Statius, Silvae iii. 3, 48 ff.

⁵¹ See A. Alföldi, Fünfundzwanzig Jahre der römisch-germanischen Kommission, 11–51, on the heavenward glance of Pannonian emperors in coin portraiture. On looking upwards as a ritual gesture, cf. F. J. Dölger, Sol Salutis, 2d ed., 301 ff.; Orph. Argon. 984; A. Rumpf, Die Religion der Griechen (H. Haas, Bilderatlas zur Religionsgeschichte, xiii-xiv) 49 (attitude of priest during sacrifice; a vase of about B.C. 420). For the empire, cf. also Cumont, Textes et monuments relatifs aux mystères de Mithra, I, 288, 291 f.; Costa, Religione e Politica nell' Impero Romano; Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, 110. For later development, cf. W. Staerk, Festschrift Judeich, 160 ff.

⁵² Mattingly, B. M. C. R. Emp., I, cxxxix, ccxxvi, 141.

⁵³ Mattingly-Sydenham, Roman Imperial Coinage, II, 128.

⁵⁴ Ib. 246.

⁵⁵ Journal of Roman Studies, XV, 212, following J. Vogt, Die Alexandrinischen Münzen, I, 109 f. Whether the adoption was an historical fact is of course open to doubt.

⁵⁶ Mattingly-Sydenham, II, 328, 370, 439, 444.

⁵⁷ Ib. 429.

⁵⁸ Ib. 221.

⁵⁹ Mattingly-Sydenham, II, 415, 418.

⁶⁰ Ib. III, 32, 35, 110, 114 (139 and 140–144 A.D.: winged thunderbolt accompanies the inscription), and a hybrid, 77 (Providentia holding globe and cornucopiae).

⁶¹ Ib. 215, 217, 218, 220, 278, 279, 296 (holding globe and cornucopiae).

⁶² Ib. 251, 253, 318.

⁶³ Ib. 402, 403, 404, 406, 407, 411 (holding wand over globe and sceptre). It should be noted that in A.D. 183 the Arval brothers made a vow to Providentia deorum pro salute imperatoris' (Henzen, Acta fratrum Arvalium, clxxxviii, 18); a medallion of Commodus, with reverse PROVIDENTIAE DEORUM, showing Commodus with three other persons sacrificing (Gnecchi, I medaglioni romani, II, 65, No. 123). Coins quoted hereafter as Nos. x-y are from Cohen, Description historique des monnaies frappées sous l'Empire romain, 2d ed.

⁶⁴ Nos. 39–53. Providence is raising both arms, or her right arm, towards a radiate globe, perhaps (as Cohen suggests) the comet which appeared under Commodus.

⁶⁵ No. 594.

⁶⁶ No. 525.

⁶⁷ Nos. 170–171.

⁶⁸ No. 108.

⁶⁹ Nos. 242–245.

⁷⁰ Nos. 513–515.

⁷¹ Nos. 23 ff.

⁷² No. 33.

⁷³ Mattingly-Sydenham-Webb, V, i. 268, 281, 286, 294, 297.

⁷⁴ Ib. 316. For PROVIDENTIA AVG he has also once a type of Venus, once one of Mercury; 302 f.

⁷⁵ Cf. Homo, Aurélien, 366, and Julias, Caesares, p. 314, of him, 'Hλιος δὲ οὑμὸς δεσπότης αὐτῷ πρός τε τὰ ἃλλα βοηθῶν.

⁷⁶ Mattingly-Sydenham-Webb, V, 331, 345 f.; 327, 331, 336, 341; 331.

⁷⁷ Ib. 359 f.

⁷⁸ Cohen, Nos. 397, 404, 405, 422–426. Cf. J. Maurice, Numismatique Constantinienne, II, cxviii f.; ib. III, 227, on a PROVIDENTIA DEORUM of Diocletian (Providentia and Tranquillitas facing).

⁷⁹ Cohen, Nos. 478, 482–484, 489–493; 479 f., 487 (this last with the P. D. Q. A. double type).

⁸⁰ No. 244; No. 181. PROVIDENTIA AVGG and CAES. or CAESS. naturally remain in use for “une vertu impériale” (Maurice).

⁸¹ Maurice, Num. Const., III, 39. Mr. Baynes has drawn my attention to E. Albertario's discussion of the late emergence of ‘prouidentia’ in Roman legal texts (Athenaeum, N. S., VI, 1928, 165 ff., 325 ff.).

⁸² Thus in A.D. 23, to increase the prestige of the Vestals, it was voted ‘quotiens Augusta [i.e. Livia] theatrum introisset, ut sedes inter Vestalium consideret’ (Tac. Ann. iv. 16. Cf. Mattingly, B. M. C. R. Emp. I, cxxxi, cxlvi, ccxxiv). Again, in Ovid, Fasti, iii. 699, Vesta says of Julius Caesar ‘meus fuit ille sacerdos.’ The princeps commonly became pontifex maximus by an act separate from his accession; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsrecht, 3d ed., II, 1107.