Assessing new cell phone text and video services

Abstract

The cell phone is a social medium developing into a multimedia digital platform that provides, obtains, and shares personal and social information. Thus, digital divide, social support, and privacy issues familiar to students of the Internet are here applied to understanding why people may be more or less interested in new text and video cell phone services. The first part of this study develops a basic model of demographic, social, and prior technology use influences on interest in three categories of cell phone text and video services derived from uses and gratifications studies of traditional and new media services—surveillance, entertainment, and instrumental. Hypotheses from this model were tested using data from an April 2007 US national random-digit dialing telephone survey. The by-now familiar digital divide demographics had both indirect and direct influences on assessments of these sets of services, although primarily for entertainment services (which were also negatively influenced by concerns about privacy threats). Surveillance services—here, providing location of family, friends and self to each other—were more positively assessed when family and friends lived closer, and with less prior communication technology use. Instrumental services—such as directions when lost and health emergency information—were more positively assessed by those with greater social support and a stronger belief in privacy rights. Thus, while overall only the entertainment services were even moderately explained, there were understandable differences in influences among the three sets of services, with demographic factors predominating.

Introduction

The Internet was initially a text-based medium, but that is no longer true in the multimedia, interactive, broadband Web environment. A similar process of convergence is occurring with the cell phone; it is no longer solely a voice medium or even a voice–text messaging medium. Rather, ever more diverse multimedia services are available through both media (Katz, 2008; LaRose & Atkin, 1992; Lin, 2002). The cell phone can, e.g., provide audio interpersonal communication, digital music, video content (personalized as well as mass-mediated), text (if not yet actual printing), locational information, support for consumer transactions, and computing capabilities. This continuing expansion of what a “cell phone” is raises questions as to what additional features and media capabilities may be attractive to potential adopters, and why. The factors influencing assessments of new cell phone services are likely to differ somewhat depending on the media orientation of those services, their functions, social factors, and user needs.

In early 2008, there were over a quarter billion cell phone subscribers in the United States who in the first half of 2007 used over 1 trillion minutes, more than a 20% increase from the second half of 2005 (CTIA-The Wireless Association (2007), CTIA-The Wireless Association (2008)). A snapshot of changes even over a few years is enlightening: in an October 2004 report, when US cell phone subscribership had reached 66%, about 8% did not have a landline phone. Younger (18–29) users were twice as likely to say that they were “very” or “somewhat likely” to give up their landlines for a cell phone. By the end of 2006, around 14% of US adults had cell phones but no landline phones; about 30% of people 18–29 years of age had only cell phones; and nearly 59% of all US adults had both, while 24% had only landline phones, and about 2.2% had no telephone service (Blumberg & Luke, 2007).

A recent Pew national survey provides a valuable overview of how, at least by mid-2004, Americans were using their cell phones (e.g., while driving, waiting, in an emergency, or as a fashion accessory), what problems they experience (public irritation from loud public calls, high monthly bills, and unwanted intrusion), and what new services might interest them (Rainie & Keeter, 2006). The most desired (47%) service was obtaining mobile maps. The next two most desired services (by those not already using them) were more familiar activities such as sending/receiving email (24%) and performing internet searches for movie listings or stock quotes (24%). Other services mentioned by at least 10% include playing music, taking still pictures, recording their own video clips, accessing the Internet, and watching video or TV programs.

In August 2007, the most frequent non-voice cell phone uses were: sending/receiving text messages (43.2%), photo messaging (19.2%), personal e-mail (9.3%), purchasing a ringtone (9.1%), mobile instant messenger (6.8%), work e-mail (5.6%), downloading mobile games (3.3%), and purchasing wallpaper or screensavers (2.9%). In August 2005, 14.0% retrieved news and information via browser, sought weather information (57%), maps and directions, sports scores and news, national news, and movie and entertainment listings (all greater than 40%) (M:METRICS, 2007). A February 2007 UK survey found that 20% of cell phone subscribers searched for content on the mobile Internet (though only about 2% searched daily) (3g.co.uk, 2007). The four most frequently searched content types were ringtones (54%), full track music downloads, sports results, and games. Mobile video viewing is just starting, with 3.2% of cell phone subscribers watching video sent by family or friends and 3.7% watching mobile TV (M:METRICS, 2007).

The Pew report concluded that “there are notable numbers of cell owners who know about and want access to the new applications that are being installed in cell phones … it is possible to see how the cell phone might become the Swiss Army knife of media and communications for a considerable number of users” (p. 11). Even in 1998, Batt and Katz foresaw a major transformation from voice services toward video and information services. Digital data and media now support the convergence of features and modes through an increasingly wide array of technologies. For example, multimedia messaging services (MMS) extend short message service to all kinds of multimedia, such as text, graphics, images, games, audio, video (Lee, Cheung, & Chen, 2007).

The general issue of identifying possible new cell phone services is salient for obvious commercial reasons but also for more general US telecommunications policy. For example, overcoming digital divides and meeting universal service obligations may be more easily met through wireless telephony (Burkart, 2007; Wareham, Levey, & Shi, 2004), partially because of the constraints and risks of fixed-line telephone and cable investment compared to the less geographically dependent and more modularized components of cell phone service (Andonova, 2006). Identifying and diffusing new services may also help what is called the “startup problem”, especially in Western mobile Internet markets, where there are pre-existing strong direct (telephone) or indirect (complementary products and services) network effects (Funk, 2007).

There are also general and research concerns about the possible social implications of cell phones, motivating a better understanding of why people might be more or less interested in different features. Katz's (1999) review of possible social and organizational consequences of cell phone use noted positive and negative first-, second- and third-order effects in the areas of (a) social/nonwork lives (uncertainty reduction, personal security, efficiency, tighter coupling of domestic production, immediacy, availability, social interaction, intrusiveness, social control, innovative uses), (b) work lives (productivity, control of organizational resources, merging of work and leisure, fewer entry barriers for small businesses, economic growth, better relations with clients, and organizational control over workers), and (c) organizational structures (changing forms of business, changing information processing capacity, physical mobility and work space, bypassing landline infrastructure, shrinking of middle management, and growing employment opportunities). Thus, social factors (such as social relationships and concerns about social control and privacy) should be considered in any analysis of potential new cell phone services.

This section briefly reviews prior research on basic gratifications of new media, and proposes three major conceptual factors influencing how people assess potential text and video cell phone services: demographic bases for the digital divide, social factors (relations with others, and concern for one's privacy), and prior communication technology use.

One way to categorize potential new text and video cell phone services is to consider them as representing capabilities for meeting users’ needs, thus providing gratifications. Uses and gratifications theory was developed for studying the use and evaluation of the mass media. Initially, five broad categories of needs possibly met by traditional mass media were identified—integrative (credibility, confidence), affective (aesthetic, emotional), cognitive (understanding), escape/tension release, and social contact (Katz, Gurevitch, & Haas, 1973). However, this theory has also been used to help explain gratifications from telephone use, and, more recently, new media such as Internet and cell phone use (Atkin, Jeffres, & Neuendorf, 1998; Dimmick, Sikand, & Patterson, 1994; Eighmey, 1997; Garramone, Harris, & Anderson, 1986; James, Wotring, & Forrest, 1995; Kim, Kim, Park, & Rice, 2007; Leung & Wei, 2000; Lin (1999), Lin (2002); Ruggiero, 2000; Williams, Phillips, & Lum, 1985). These and other studies have identified dimensions of gratifications such as surveillance (i.e., monitoring one's environment), personal identity, diversion, informational learning, socialization, interaction, and entertainment. Lee et al.'s (2007) study of multimedia messaging services found that motivations (both extrinsic, measured as usefulness, and intrinsic, measured by enjoyment and ease of use, as derived from the technology acceptance model; (Davis, Bagozzi, & Warshaw, 1992)) as well as media richness explained their respondents’ intention to use MMS in the future. Van Viljon, Kotze, and Marsden (2007), in an attempt to persuade system designers to begin considering social aspects of cell phones, identified three clusters of motivations for cell phone use, with associated features: safety, security, and relationships (such as caller identity and SMS), organization (such as reminders and profiles), and personal history (such as camera and MP3).

Many studies have analyzed influences on Internet and cell phone adoption, both from the “diffusion of innovations” approach (Rogers, 2003), and the “digital divide” perspective (Katz & Rice, 2002). Many of the same demographic variables are used in both perspectives—gender, race, education, income, and marital status. In general, controlling for other variables, gender (and, for the most part, race) differences in Internet adoption began disappearing by 2000, but adopters still differ from nonadopters on the other demographics (Katz & Rice, 2002; Rice, Sheperd, Dutton, & Katz, 2007). A similar process has taken place with cell phones. Early adopters were largely white males of middle and upper income (Robbins & Turner, 2002). These digital divides have largely disappeared, with senior citizens and very low income groups about the only categories that appear to be lagging in terms of subscription levels, and even these groups are seeing substantial adoption. African-Americans and Hispanics are now early adopters and innovators of wireless technology, a trend that is also typical of many other non-white groups (Young, 2005).

As digital media in general, and text and video cell phone services in particular, provide users access to information and communication with others, as well as provide others access to information about and communication with the users, one's existing extent of social support, and one's beliefs and concerns about privacy seem relevant influences on assessments of such services.

A central debate in early studies of Internet use was whether interpersonal and community ties would weaken, due to a diversion of attention and time to online, isolated communication, video games, and web surfing. While results are somewhat inconsistent (Shklovski, Kiesler, & Kraut, 2006), Internet use has been positively associated (though slightly) with indicators of social relations such as greater use of other communication media, more communication through other media with friends and family (except for, especially in UK survey data, one's very closest neighbors), and greater involvement in community and organizations (Katz & Rice, 2002; Rice & Haythornthwaite, 2006; Rice, Sheperd, Dutton, & Katz, 2007), as well as, of course new forms, such as online communities, multi-player video games, and meeting people from distant locations.

Recent analyses have emphasized the central role of the cell phone in developing, maintaining, and changing social relations, due to the pervasiveness of the cell phone and the ease with which others can be contacted or have their information just displayed on the screen (Boneva, Quinn, Kraut, Kiesler, & Shklovski, 2006; Katz & Aakhus, 2002; Licoppe & Smoreda, 2005). People with well-established social support networks may need less purely text-based informational resources, or may need services that would allow them to manage those networks more easily. Close friends or family members who live far apart may have needs for different textual or visual services than those living close by (Baym, Zhang, & Lin, 2004). Proximity has long been associated with contact and communication intensity (Brandon, 1980).

People are increasingly concerned about online privacy and surveillance (Fox & Lewis, 2001; Katz & Tassone, 1990; Klosek, 2000; Metzger & Docter, 2003; O’Neil, 2001). In one study, over 80% of heavy Internet users were somewhat or very concerned about online personal privacy threats, especially about sharing provided personal information with other organizations (Ackerman, Cranor, & Reagle, 1999). Yao, Rice, and Wallis (2007) reported that concerns about online privacy were positively influenced by individuals’ need for privacy and their beliefs in privacy rights. Women tend to be somewhat more concerned about only a few privacy issues (Nowak & Phelps, 1992; Sheehan, 1999). However, most users are likely to be unaware of the potential for collection of personal data and subsequent re-use and storage (Lyon, 2001; Stanton, 2002). Cell phones allow “perpetual contact” (Katz & Aakhus, 2002), both in allowing one to access others as well as making one continually accessible to others. Alongside its many benefits, the cell phone can increase (for private users) and decrease (for business users) control over incoming calls, including invasion of privacy in public spaces by other cell phone users (Ishii, 2006; Rainie & Keeter, 2006; Rice & Katz, 2003b). Indeed, some data suggests that, unlike civil libertarians, ordinary people are more concerned about the snooping of ordinary neighbors and workmates than about either a corporate or governmental Big Brother (Katz, 1991). People who are more concerned about threats to their privacy and have a strong belief in privacy rights may be less supportive of cell phone services that reveal or collect more information or allow greater intrusion.

Other potential influences on adoption and assessment of new media depend on the theoretical orientation. For example, Atkin et al. (1998) combined media substitution, and uses and gratifications, with diffusion theory to explain Internet adoption. Beyond the typical demographic influences (higher education, lower age, greater income, more people in home, but no effect of gender even then), they found that people with more distant communication activities and orientations, those who had adopted more technologies, and those who used less TV but more film, magazines and video, were greater Internet adopters. Others have also found that adoption and increased used of other technology also influence adoption of newer media (LaRose & Atkin, 1992; Leung & Wei, 1999). Two primary reasons for this influence are that newer media may be associated with already adopted (or rejected) “technology clusters”, and that experience with other technologies reduces uncertainty about, and increases ability to use, a new medium. However, in two studies attempting to predict the adoption of potential online services in general (Lin, 2001), and online media services in particular (Lin, 2002), neither use of traditional media nor a cluster of other adopted communication technologies were influences, indicating that online media services could be functional supplements rather than substitutes for traditional media and other previously adopted new media. Finally, it is not clear whether generalized prior technology use fosters necessary expertise and positive attitudes, or whether specific prior technologies are more relevant.

Here, for the sake of parsimony and clarity, the present study focuses only on prior adoption and use of the Internet and of cell phones as indicators of prior communication technology use. The Internet has for many become a multimedia technology that offers services comparable to those studied here. Further, based on prior research, it is reasonable to consider prior cell phone use as a potential influence on assessments of new cell phone services (Campbell, 2007). Thus, it is important to distinguish between Internet adopters/non-adopters relative to cell phone adopters/non-adopters because the two groups do not overlap completely, and different combinations of demographic influences are associated with each of the four categories (Rice & Katz, 2003a). Significantly, few prior studies have considered or analyzed the overlapping adoption categories of these primary new media and their discrete influences.

Fig. 1 organizes the prior brief discussions into a basic conceptual model and integrates the following hypothesized relationships:

H1

Demographic factors are associated with adoption of prior communication technology (here, the Internet and cell phones).

H2a

Demographic factors are associated, though weakly, with extent of social support.

H2b

Demographic factors are associated, though weakly, with perceptions of privacy threats and beliefs in fundamental privacy rights.

H3a

Extent of social support is associated with assessments of new cell phone services, especially services involving social interaction.

H3b

Privacy beliefs are associated with assessments of new cell phone services.

H4a

Prior use of Internet technology is associated with assessment of new cell phone services, especially services involving surveillance and entertainment.

H4b

Prior use of cell phones is associated with assessment of new cell phone services, especially services involving entertainment and emergencies.

H5

Demographic factors may be weakly associated with assessments of new text and video cell phone services after controlling for social and prior use factors.

This model is quite rudimentary, and does not reflect by now familiar models explaining the adoption of new information systems or new media. For example, the Technology Acceptance Model (Davis et al., 1992; Venkatesh, Morris, Davis, & Davis, 2003), in its simplest form, has been widely used to explain intentions to adopt new information technology. While this approach seeks to explain substantial variance in intentions, it is too simplistic in general (Kaplan, 1998), requires on the part of the subject at least some familiarity with the technology to develop perceptions of ease of use and usefulness, emphasizes his/her intentions to use or adopt, and tends to analyze a study-specific information technology. The Theory of Planned Behavior is somewhat similar in predicting intentions to adopt or use an information technology (George, 2004), although it also incorporates social norm influences, which, for a rigorous test, requires an identified social context (such as organizational coworkers) and measures of others’ attitudes, norms and usage (Rice, 1993). The media richness model (Daft & Lengel, 1986), developed primarily for organizational and managerial contexts, either asserts or requires respondents to rate richness characteristics of media. Moreover, it generally finds greater support for media richness ratings (though not consistently for new media) than for the central theoretical proposition that the fit between information processing requirements and media richness affects communication performance (Rice et al., 1992), or, in later versions, that media richness perceptions would predict media choice. The diffusion of innovation model is arguably the most widely used approach in studies of new media adoption (Rice & Webster, 2002; Rogers, 2003), but presumes adoption of the new medium and sufficient understanding of the primary innovation attributes (such as relative advantage). Indeed, some studies have integrated several of these approaches, such as social influence, media richness, diffusion factors and critical mass (Rice, Grant, Schmitz, & Torobin, 1990).

These prior studies are generally oriented towards analyzing intentions to adopt or adoption or usage, perceptions of media richness, ease of use or usefulness, and task-media fit. The present study contributes to this general line of inquiry by specifically testing for the influences of digital divide demographics, social support and privacy concerns, and prior use of both the Internet and cell phones, on simple assessments of potential text and video cell phone services. Lin (2002) tested a somewhat similar model of influences on online media services, including uses and gratifications, existing media use, home communication technology infrastructure, and demographics. She did not find much influence of prior communication technology use or infrastructure, but did find a strong influence of expected media gratifications (information and escape/interaction), younger age, and lower education, and that online media served more as a functional equivalent to traditional media.

Thus, the research reported here contributes theoretically meaningful statements about areas which are not the focus of market-predictive research nor are generally considered in academic studies that, e.g., stress uses and gratifications or diffusion of innovations. Rather, this study fits within a theoretical perspective termed “Syntopia,” which emphasizes the social connectivity and cultural meaning of the daily uses of communication technology (Katz & Rice, 2002). The Syntopian perspective rejects both dystopian and utopian perspectives on the social uses and consequences of information and communication technology. Rather, it emphasizes how people, groups, organizations and societies adopt, use and reinvent technologies to make meaning for themselves relative to others. Hence, while possibilities are limited by the nature of the given technological tools, systems and their uses are (potentially) surprisingly flexible.