Does place quality matter for innovation districts? Determining the essential place characteristics from Brisbane’s knowledge precincts
Introduction
Creativity, digital disruption and knowledge-based activities have increasingly characterised contemporary global markets (Lee et al., 2014; Cooke, 2017). In a knowledge economy, productivity is mostly characterised by intangible and symbolic values (Boddy, 1999; Meijer and Thaens, 2018). Those values include the capacity of knowledge generation, institutional networks, knowledge flows, and quality of scientific, high-tech, and artistic outputs (Cooke, 2004; Carrillo et al., 2014). Productivity is mainly related to innovative ideas generated by educated and talented workforces, who are being considered as a key asset of stimulating economic growth (Clifton, 2008; Pancholi et al., 2017b). Consequently, investments to foster, attract and retain human asset have become a key priority in knowledge economy (Glaeser, 2005; Pancholi et al., 2018a).
Urban development strategies play a prominent role on economic transition (Benneworth and Hospers, 2007; Yigitcanlar and Velibeyoglu, 2008). At first, it was assumed knowledge workers and industries could locate wherever they would like due to advancements in information and communication technologies (ICTs) (Hall, 1996). However, real-world experiences, such as Silicon Valley, Cambridge Science Park and Sophia Antipolis along with other examples, revealed the opposite (Carvalho and Van Winden, 2017). Knowledge-based industries clustered with universities and research institutes around specific locations to share knowledge, workforce and facilities (Sohn and Kenney, 2007; Youtie and Shapira, 2008). Place and lifestyle were recognised as significant factors to foster, attract and retain knowledge workers (Wolfe, 1999; Storper and Venables, 2004). Global cities, as well, embraced knowledge-based urban development (KBUD) strategies to thrive their local economies (Metaxiotis et al., 2010; Yigitcanlar et al., 2012).
KBUD not only targets infrastructural, institutional and financial requirements of industries, but also considers socio-spatial desires of workers (Sarimin and Yigitcanlar, 2012). This development paradigm encourages clustering of creative and knowledge-based activities (Benneworth and Ratinho, 2014). Clustering empowers firms to increase their innovative capacity by sharing ideas, products, services and workforces (Reve et al., 2015). Simultaneously, it gathers communities of creative and knowledge workers, who are the architects of economic growth (Martin et al., 2015). These clusters represent neighbourhood-scale places, such as innovation districts, knowledge precincts, creative hubs, technology parks and the like (Yigitcanlar and Bulu, 2015). Economic growth is accelerated by many urban elements at urban and regional scales. However, the cluster-scale is recognised as specifically important as it is the scale where the tangible place is designed and day-to-day activities take place (Trip, 2007; Durmaz, 2015).
The academic literature clearly underlines the importance of clustering for economic growth. However, our understanding on the role that place plays at the cluster-scale along with the essential place characteristics are still limited. This paper aims to identify the essential place characteristics of innovation districts that can support a flourishing knowledge economy performance. The paper attempts to address two research questions. Firstly, whether place quality matters for innovation districts; and if yes, secondly, what the essential place characteristics of innovation districts are. In order to tackle these issues, the research undertakes an empirical study, analysing three innovation districts from Brisbane, Australia—i.e., Kelvin Grove Urban Village (KGUV), Diamantina Knowledge Precinct (DKP), Brisbane Technology Park (BTP).
Section snippets
Literature review
Innovation districts, also referred to as knowledge precincts particularly in the context of Australia, are local industrial specialisations that are generally clustered around universities, research institutions, and knowledge-based industries with a high internal and external networking and knowledge sharing capabilities (Clark et al., 2010; Millar and Ju-Choi, 2010). Innovation districts require knowledge workers, who are in theory no longer attracted to locations solely by employment
Methodology
This research follows a case study approach to highlight the essential place characteristics of innovation districts that attract and retain talent and investment that subsequently accelerate their socioeconomic performance. The study relies on multiple sources of evidence, and follows (Eisenhardt, 1989) approach that is an inductive approach with pre-planned structure. The paper proposes an analytical framework—derived from the works of Esmaeilpoorarabi et al., 2018a, Esmaeilpoorarabi et al.,
Qualitative analysis
In consensus all interviewees responded to the question of whether place quality matters for the socioeconomic success of innovation districts. Most remarkably, Interviewee#3 stated, “Quality of place is utmost importance while planning and developing knowledge precincts as without high standards it’s not possible to compete with other overseas locations, particularly the emerging economy precincts”. Likewise, Interviewee#4 noted, “Making space and place for the knowledge economy activities
Discussion and conclusion
This study confirms, in line with the literature, that knowledge economy growth is facilitated by combination of both hard and soft factors (Darchen and Tremblay, 2010; Scott, 2010). It highlights the predominance of hard factors for attracting workers and industries—e.g., job opportunities, infrastructure, commuting time, cost of living and running a business. On the other hand, soft factors also strongly contribute to the sense of place and attachment, which help in retaining workers and
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