Refugee higher education: Contextual challenges and implications for program design, delivery, and accompaniment

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2015.11.005Get rights and content

Highlights

  • Refugees discuss their experiences in a hybrid higher education program.

  • These experiences are compared with data provided by students on quality of life.

  • Students are grateful for the opportunity but uncertain about the future.

  • For marginalized populations, higher education may serve a psychosocial function.

  • Principles of adaptive program design and delivery could strengthen the program. Program goals should be clearly articulated and linked to other supports.

Abstract

Refugees experience limited access to adequate education at all levels but opportunities for higher education are especially lacking. This study explores the perspectives of 122 students involved in a pilot program of higher education in two refugee camps and one urban setting. Students reported gratitude for the experience but uncertainty about the future, and widely different contextual challenges to pursuing education. In a forced migration context, higher education may constitute a psychosocial intervention as much as an educational program. This unique dynamic begs the need for systemic thinking, with implications for program planning and delivery as a means of accompaniment.

Introduction

Millions of forced migrants currently are trapped in protracted refugee situations and placed in long-term encampments (UNHCR, 2013). These individuals experience limited access to adequate education at all levels, but opportunities for higher education are especially lacking (Wright and Plasterer, 2010) in spite of a documented interest in pursuing post-secondary education (Dryden-Peterson and Giles, 2010). Education can be seen as a means of personal empowerment and efficacy, by providing a sense of purpose amidst the “uprootedness” of refugee status and being indefinitely contained in a camp-like setting (Kirk, 2010, Zeus, 2011).

Yet, the resource constrained contexts of refugee camps present significant challenges (Steel et al., 2011) to refugees who wish to pursue educational activities, and to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in terms of implementing educational programs (Hoff and Hickling-Hudson, 2011). Given various funding streams behind NGO activities, educational and other initiatives are often stand-alone (i.e., vertical) interventions lacking integration with other services or opportunities. The field of global health has long debated the need for horizontal integration of vertical interventions to provide a more holistic set of supports for vulnerable populations (Oliviera-Cruz et al., 2003), and more recently this conversation has shifted to encompass systems strengthening (Kim et al., 2013). Non-health related fields, however, have lagged in adopting a systems framework, despite the need for more integrated social service delivery (Davis et al., 2012). In the absence of such a systems framework and thinking, and in a context of highly vulnerable people such as forced migrants, participants in a higher education program may find themselves better educated, but lacking work opportunities and pathways to participate in the “vocation of being human” (McGrath, 2012, p. 630).

The purpose of the current study is to document and explore the perspectives of refugees who were students in the pilot phase of a higher education program, Jesuit Commons: Higher Education at the Margins (JC:HEM). Using a postcolonial perspective (Hoff and Hickling-Hudson, 2011), this study relies heavily on a grounded theory of refugees’ experiences with higher education within the context of their displacement. We also examine survey data collected from these students related to their quality of life, and compare these data with their assessments of higher education as a means of exploring the context of their education.

Access to higher education can play a critical role in facilitating transitions for refugees by providing skills that increase social capital and are transferable in different contexts (Taylor and Sidhu, 2012, Wright and Plasterer, 2010). Given the lack of tertiary education opportunities typically available in refugee camps, most of the existing literature focuses on refugees who have resettled to another country. Existing research has found links between access to education, increased quality of life, expanded livelihood opportunities (Crondahl and Eklund, 2012), and improvements in mental health (Mitschke et al., 2013).

Educational opportunities may buffer some negative aspects of forced migration. Refugees in protracted situations often experience a loss of dignity when their level of education or former position are no longer valued by the community, which in turn contributes to lower reported quality of life (Vries and Van Heck, 1994). Long-term displacement also depletes the resources available to refugees at individual, family, socio-economic, and cultural levels, and leads to mental distress (Horn, 2010). In this context, higher education can help refugees develop a “critical consciousness” by providing students with a voice in their communities and empowering them to create change (Dryden-Peterson and Giles, 2010). Access to higher education may help refugees serve as role models within their homes and communities and inspire younger generations to become active participants within their schools and society (Wright and Plasterer, 2010).

The development of a future orientation for refugees, and particularly younger refugees, can be an important facet of educational opportunities. Absent these opportunities, refugees are at heightened risk for adopting political or ethnic ideologies that give them a sense of purpose and meaning (Hart, 2008). For those living amidst war and political violence, having ideological commitments could serve as a protective factor, as identifying with a particular political side is related to survival (Pumanaki, 1996). Those who have experienced traumatic and unjust events are better able to reframe the meaning of these events if they possess an ideological lens that erases the concept of “victim” and replaces it with that of “fighter” (Dawes, 1990, Pumanaki, 1996). Yet, those who live in refugee camps have been forced to participate in systems that teach them to identify as “vulnerable” in order to receive resources and services (Hart, 2008). In this regard, educational programs hold the key to reframing this dichotomy, such that students can “fight” to further their knowledge, education, sense of self-efficacy and quality of life – and in so doing, mitigate the need to identify with violent and sectarian ideologies to which they may otherwise be vulnerable (El Jack, 2010). Research on Sudanese refugees has shown education to be a powerful means of reconstructing lives and identities which enhances equality and independence, while providing youth a sense of hope that reduces their risk of militarization (El Jack, 2010).

Within refugee camps, issues of language, history, gender and religion can become sources of contention. Yet, education may help bridge these issues by fostering a sense of belonging within the community (Waters and LeBlanc, 2005, Makhoul et al., 2012) by modeling inclusionary practices and hope (Betancourt, 2005). In Kakuma camp in Kenya, for example, adult English as a Second Language (ESL) programs have become an important tool for conflict resolution and have aided in dispute settlements between rival tribes that previously lacked a common language (Wright and Plasterer, 2010). More generally, refugees often see education as key to securing their futures, and a mechanism through which to preserve cultural traditions (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2011). Education can also encourage inclusion and lessen exclusionary practices for particular groups of learners (Oh and van der Stouwe, 2008).

Despite the documented benefits of refugee education in building resilience, significant obstacles exist to providing high quality education to refugees at any level. Even refugees with prior educational qualifications may face barriers to furthering their education, including lack of economic resources, differing requirements of institutions, inability to access educational and identification documentation (Dryden-Peterson and Giles, 2010), lack of proficiency in the local language, and structural barriers around gender and culture (Watkins et al., 2012). Many educational programs within camps are not accredited or recognized by other institutions, making it difficult to continue education after leaving the camp (Zeus, 2011). In addition, the cost of attending university is very high, and refugee students usually must rely on limited scholarship opportunities which often do not cover all expenses (Anselme and Hands, 2010).

Furthermore, higher education is not typically viewed by development donors as a priority. Humanitarian agencies prioritize food, water and health expenditures over spending on education. Even within education, primary education receives the majority of funding, with secondary education receiving significantly less, and tertiary education receiving few, if any funds (Wright and Plasterer, 2010). Tertiary education is seen as an ‘elite’ or ‘privileged’ resource where the wealthy seem to benefit exclusively, and the higher costs of higher education seem to outweigh the benefits (Dryden-Peterson and Giles, 2010). Camps also often lack adequate primary education, creating a barrier for students to qualify for higher education opportunities (Wright and Plasterer, 2010). Even in camps where higher education is provided, educators and curriculum designers are challenged to design content and pedagogical methods that are relevant to refugee populations (Purkey, 2010, Dryden-Peterson and Giles, 2010). More research is therefore needed that focuses on refugees’ perspectives, especially related to educational and other needs, such that curriculum materials and pedagogy meet refugees’ immediate as well as long term needs (Purkey, 2010, Waters and LeBlanc, 2005).

Aside from the quality of education, refugees are often faced with an enduring lack of work opportunities in camps after receiving higher education. Higher education graduates in Daadab camp, Kenya, for example, are not allowed work permits and are thus able to work only as incentive employees, a situation which is common to other locations, and which may create a sense of frustration (Wright and Plasterer, 2010). As students will likely remain in camps long after graduation, educational activities need to be integrated more closely with post-educational work opportunities.

Global health and development experts increasingly are aware that strengthening the systems through which stand-alone initiatives are implemented is critical to ensuring the sustainability of improved outcomes over the long term (Kim et al., 2013). However, in the field of education and development, less attention has been paid to the integration of social and educational interventions, such that stand-alone programs – such as providing higher education to refugees – tend to operate independently of other services and needs within the local context. Using such a systems orientation could be useful in identifying pathways for students as they complete their education and use their skills in their immediate contexts. Yet, such an orientation demands an acknowledgment that programs must be well-designed and articulated, and adaptive to local conditions and needs. The current study examines refugees’ experiences in higher education, in light of this perspective.

This study is informed by the need to gather refugees’ own perspectives on higher education (Purkey, 2010, Waters and LeBlanc, 2005) and examine the extent to which refugees’ believe their educational efforts are helpful in the current context of their lives. Data were collected from refugees who were former or current students of the JC:HEM program in Kakuma camp, Kenya; Dzaleka camp, Malawi; or Amman, Jordan. The study is guided by three research questions:

  • (1)

    How do refugees characterize their current quality of life, related to education and beyond?

  • (2)

    What are the main benefits of participating in higher education for refugees?

  • (3)

    What are the main challenges to this participation, related to the program design, implementation, and context?

In recent years, a number of initiatives have been developed to provide higher education to refugees in both camp-based and urban environments. Some approaches tend to focus on scholarships and programs that require the student to leave the refugee camp, and often travel to another country, to complete their degree. These programs include the Albert Einstein German Academic Refugee Initiative (DAFI) (Morlang and Watson, 2007), the Student Refugee Program at World University Service of Canada (WUSC, 2013), and the Windle Trust International (WTI, 2007, Dryden-Peterson and Giles, 2010). Other programs focus on providing education to refugees in their immediate context, such as the Australia Catholic University (ACU) program, Borderless Higher Education for Refugees (BHER, 2013), and Jesuit Commons: Higher Education at the Margins (JC:HEM) (Dippo et al., 2012, MacLaren, 2012).

In 2010, JC:HEM commenced as a pilot project operating in 3 sites: Kakuma camp, Kenya; Dzaleka camp, Malawi; and Amman, Jordan. Program designers identified emerging needs for tertiary education amongst these refugee populations and took advantage of the increased availability of technology and improved internet connectivity across Africa (Dankova and Giner, 2011) to provide a system on of online and face-to-face education. The objectives of the 4-year pilot project were to establish the viability of the program and to identify its mode of operation, infrastructure and mode of delivery. From 2010 to 2014, the pilot phase of this project reached approximately 700 refugees, through one of two program areas: (1) an accredited program of study via the internet leading to a diploma with an official transcript through Regis University (45 credits); and (2) Community Service Learning Tracks (CSLTs) to enhance NGO provision and community life, in areas such as Psychosocial Counseling, Community Health and Education, English as a Second Language, Special Needs Education, and Teacher Training. Data for the current study were collected as part of the summative evaluation of the JC:HEM pilot project.

Section snippets

Sample

Participants in this study were either current or former students in JC:HEM (N = 122). A convenience sample of students was used in each site given logistical challenges in obtaining a random sample of available students. The sample included 86 students in Kakuma and Dzaleka, and 10 non-students; and 26 students in Amman. The sample was predominately male (92.6%), with 57.9% being diploma students, in Kakuma and Dzaleka. Gender data were not available for the Amman sample, but 80.8% of the Amman

Physical health

Out of 100, respondents indicated an average of 50.0 (SD = 17.0) on the domain of physical health. Those in Amman scored the highest with 64.0 (SD = 13.0), followed by Kakuma (M = 60.0, SD = 14.0) and Dzaleka (M = 45.0, SD = 14.0). Those in Kakuma and Amman both scored higher on average than those in Dzaleka (p < .05). Those in Amman scored higher than those in Dzaleka in having enough energy, ability to get around, and satisfaction with sleep (p < .05 for all). Those in Kakuma scored higher than those in

Discussion

Across settings, students emphasized the benefits of receiving education, particularly within the constraints of their current circumstances. The refugees interviewed in this study expressed feelings of empowerment, related to expanding their worldview as gaining a specific set of skills. The students seemed proud of their academic achievements and grateful for their exposure to a larger world of ideas and possibilities. One very real short-term outcome of JC:HEM may be that of increased

Conclusion and implications

As JC:HEM moves to the next phase of implementation – scaling up to other sites and expanding to include other populations beyond refugees – program administrators have targeted a number of areas for improvement (JC:HEM, 2014). Georgetown University has donated use of its student data management system to track students’ progress. The curriculum continues to be developed to be more relevant to local contexts, and an extensive effort is underway to recruit faculty to design curricula for a range

Acknowledgements

This study was funded by an evaluation grant from Jesuit Commons: Higher Education at the Margins (JC:HEM), awarded to Boston College School of Social Work. The author would like to thank the administrators, staff, and students of JC:HEM, as well as staff at Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS), for their assistance and participation in this study. The author also thanks MSW students at the Boston College School of Social Work for assistance with analysis of qualitative data.

The opinions presented in

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