AnalysisThe Endogenous Evolution of Common Property Management Systems
Introduction
In order to leverage the local knowledge and legitimacy benefits of involving resource users in the governance process (McCay and Acheson, 1987; Ostrom, 1990; Ostrom et al., 1999), managers have worked to formally engage users in co-management processes that identify regulations that govern access to and exploitation of water, forests and fisheries. These processes allow regulations to incorporate the needs and preferences that dominate within user communities (Agrawal, 1994; Blomquist, 1994; Blomquist, 1992; Trawick, 2001). However, uniform regulations, by their nature, do not reflect heterogeneity in user preferences over management methods, which may impede implementation of effective community management.
An emerging approach to co-management seeks to reflect differences among users by allowing sub-groups to claim collective resource use allocations, which they can manage with considerable flexibility. For example, outcomes improved among Mexican forest ejidos when individual communities were allowed to self-determine configurations of private and collective rights systems (Barnes, 2009; Barsimantov et al., 2010). Fisheries that allocate target or non-target harvest quota to cooperatives experienced better bycatch management (e.g., Abbott et al., 2015; Stram and Ianelli, 2015) or improved safety (North Pacific Fishery Management Council, 2016; Pfeiffer and Gratz, 2016). Increased profitability was observed among subsets of users who manage a collective allocation, while others participate in a common pool (e.g., Georges Bank Cod Fixed Gear Sector, 2010; Knapp, 2008; Pinto Da Silva and Kitts, 2006; Scheld et al., 2012; Verani, 2006).
The Northeast (US) Multispecies Groundfish Fishery is extending this approach by encouraging the formation of multiple “sectors”, or new self-identifying clubs of users. Importantly, cooperative self-governance has not emerged in this fishery, and harvesters preferring a competitive fishery have politically blocked efforts by other harvesters to establish fishery-wide individual quota allocations (Scheld and Anderson, 2014; Scheld et al., 2012). Sectors, however, can manage their allocated shares—proportional to their joining members' historical share of catch—in different ways while pursuing the same resource. Thus, harvesters pursuing individual allocations can form a sector and subdivide their collective allocation, while those preferring competitive pursuit can do so with their allocation, allowing innovation without establishing a political consensus for any particular change (Jenkins et al., 2017). The Multispecies fishery has seen improvements in economic outcomes (Scheld and Anderson, 2014) and social capital (Holland et al., 2015), raising the general question of whether and how innovations can effectively diffuse among sectors exercising autonomy beyond the specific control of regulators. This diffusion does not require coordination within or among sectors; users can simply switch to a sector that uses a different system, taking their associated allocation with them. Effective management strategies can expand in two ways: when additional sectors adopt them, or when users switch into sectors using them.
This policy experiment is unfolding in the absence of a framework for predicting the properties of the management that will emerge. There is no general theory of institutional selection, and previous experimental work has focused on the emergence of market institutions (Crockett et al., 2009; Jaworski and Wilson, 2013; Kimbrough et al., 2008). As such collective catch share programs expand, it is necessary to predict the evolution of self-management, to support biological and social evaluation mandated through the Regulatory Impact Review process. Given the range of alternative institutions, and potential mechanisms through which they might emerge and transform, addressing this need comprehensively requires a broad research program.
As a first step, we investigate individual resource users' choice of a management system under a certain circumstance, which mirrors a number of recent catch share programs in US (Scheld and Anderson, 2014; cf., Georges Bank Cod Fixed Gear Sector, 2010; Pinto Da Silva and Kitts, 2006; Scheld et al., 2012; Verani, 2006). Specifically, the role of expected profitability is highlighted, when resource users are presented with a choice between an institution that provides a secure individual extraction right, and an institution with competitive extraction. The Rhode Island Fluke Sector Pilot Program is a representative example (Scheld and Anderson, 2014), featuring a club managed by individual quota, and a limited entry derby for other harvesters. We design a controlled economic experiment in which harvesters are allowed to choose whether to join the individual quota club before each season, drawing on their experiences from previous seasons. Communication within and between clubs is not allowed, reflecting the historic failure of New England fishermen—and stakeholders in many other fisheries—to coordinate collective action around improved management. We test the hypothesis that the individual quota system, which supports the efficient harvesting strategy as a Nash equilibrium (cf., Gürerk et al., 2006), yields higher profits and attracts more participants than the less restrictive common pool institution (e.g., Agrawal, 2002). If true, this would imply the eventual efficiency and distributional outcomes of decentralized, club-based management will be well predicted by models of an individual quota system. We then associate individual variation in the rate of moving to the individual quota system with individual social preferences, risk preferences, and a taste for competition.
Section snippets
Continuous Fishing Game
A two-stage sequential game is repeated for 20 “seasons.” In the first stage, all players simultaneously choose to join one of two clubs: an individual quota (IQ) club—where each player receives their quota share as individual allocation—or a common pool (CP) club—where the quota associated with each player is placed in a pool to be competitively harvested by all players choosing CP. Players then learn how many others are in each club, and in the second stage, earn money fishing under the rules
Results
Fig. 1 shows the frequency of subjects' choosing IQ rises from 51.9% (SE = 3.4%) in the first two seasons to over 80% of subjects in the last two seasons (mean = 83.3%; SE = 2.5%). 43.5% (SE = 4.8%) of the subjects consistently chose IQ during the last ten seasons. A small portion of the subjects, 4.6% (SE = 2.0%), never tried CP management and remained in IQ throughout the session. Only 13.9% (SE = 3.3%) of subjects persistently—twice or more in the last five seasons—chose CP after they had
Discussion
The first year of collective rights allocation in the Northeast Multispecies Groundfish fishery saw 17 self-governing sectors form, along with the common pool of fishermen who chose to compete for landings (Kitts et al., 2011). Most sectors used some form of individual transferable quota, despite the fact that fishery-wide individual transferable quotas were considered politically infeasible. In our experiment, an overwhelming majority of subjects moved systematically toward the institution
Acknowledgments
This work was funded by the Policy Simulation Laboratory at the University of Rhode Island. M.W. acknowledges a scholarship from the Joint Japan/World Bank Graduate Scholarship Program (JJ/WBGSP).
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