Understanding public perceptions and motivations around bear part use: A study in northern Laos of attitudes of Chinese tourists and Lao PDR nationals
Introduction
There is an active trade across Southeast Asia and China transporting wildlife products for use in traditional medicine (TM). Over recent decades, in nearly every case, this demand has led to unsustainable killing of wildlife, causing rapid declines in the affected animal populations (Bennett, 2015, Ferreira et al., 2015).
TM uses a variety of animal products ranging across taxa, and is a primary driver of the illegal wildlife trade (Donovan, 1999, Nijman, 2010, Vu, 2010). Use of bear bile and other bear parts has been an integral part of many Asian cultures for centuries (Tang et al., 2008, Unschuld, 1985), with bear bile/gallbladder prescribed by TM for various ailments, including fever, hemorrhoid, inflammation, and general pain reduction (Feng et al., 2009). Other bear parts, such as bear paws, have been incorporated into rice wine and soup as tonics and status symbols since at least 300 BCE (Before the Common Era) (Legge, 1865, Yiqing, 1994). Such consumption is a leading cause of population declines of bears in the wild. Both the Asiatic black bear (Ursus thibetanus), also known as moon bear, and the sun bear (Helarctos malayanus) are currently listed as Vulnerable on the IUCN Red List, with populations having declined by 30–49% and 30%, respectively, over the past 30 years (Fredriksson et al., 2008, Garshelis et al., 2008).
International commercial trade in Asiatic black bears and sun bears is prohibited under Appendix I of CITES, to which China and all Southeast Asian nations are party to (with the exception of Timor-Leste). Domestic trade, transport and hunting of Asiatic black bears and sun bears is completely banned in most Southeast Asian countries. However, weak law enforcement and loopholes in the legislation mean that bears continue to be exploited. For instance, since the 1990s it has been illegal in Vietnam to keep bears for the purpose of bile extraction, but until recently bear bile farms were widespread (Foley et al., 2011, Nguyen, 2007).
One consequence of stronger laws on wild bear capture and consumption has been the creation of bear farms as alternatives for bear bile production (Mills and Servheen, 1991). These farms are considered a supply side solution, an alternative that will flood the market with product, satisfying demand and leading to a subsequent decrease in demand for wild bear bile, followed by a decrease in value (Damania and Bulte, 2001).
Evidence shows that the market for wildlife parts is unstable, making bear farms a risky and ineffective conservation option (Livingstone and Shepherd, 2016). Bear farming has also been severely criticized for cruelty. In most cases bears are kept in inhumane conditions in these farms for several years (Livingstone and Shepherd, 2016, Mills and Servheen, 1991).
China has claimed that all bear bile used within the country comes from farms (Mills and Servheen, 1994), but this seems not to be the case (Dutton et al., 2011). Across China and Southeast Asia, most bears in farms are wild-caught (Burgess et al., 2014). Bear parts and derivatives are often sourced from wild-caught individuals or produced from facilities housing bears mostly captured from the wild (Loeffler et al., 2009; Nguyen, 2007; Robinson et al., 2007).
Farming itself could be increasing the overall market for bile as well as the demand for wild bear bile (Drury, 2009, Dutton et al., 2011, Mills and Servheen, 1994, Servheen et al., 1999). Furthermore, in TM, and in traditional animist-centered thought, the strength of the species is a valued attribute, hence the popularity of such animals as tigers and bears. This adds a further layer of complexity by encouraging consumers to value the medical benefits of wild-caught animals over farmed animals, which are considered “weaker” (Dinerstein et al., 2007, Damania and Bulte, 2007).
Cultural values differ throughout Asia, compelling behaviors, such as consumption of bear bile, to vary society by society. Chinese cultural beliefs generally speaking are based on Confucius, Taoist, and Buddhist theory (Leung, 2010), while Lao people tend to be primarily influenced by Buddhism intertwined with traditional animism (Kislenko, 2009). Furthermore, China is a regional power (Miller, 2005); whereas Laos is one of the poorest countries in East/Southeast Asia (Kislenko, 2009). These differences lead to differing belief structures, motivations and behaviors, all of which need to be considered when developing wildlife trade demand reduction strategies (e.g. Challender et al., 2014, Veríssimo et al., 2012), so as to better address cultural and economic drivers of illegal wildlife trafficking in Southeast Asia (Nekaris et al., 2010).
The dynamics of the market and consumption demographics of bear parts is not fully understood in Southeast Asia. Although research has been performed on bear farms and declining bear populations (Livingstone and Shepherd, 2016), there has been little focus on understanding drivers of bear part purchase. To help address this void, we used questionnaires with value, attitudinal, behavioral, and knowledge questions pertaining to bear part consumption and conservation. Current theory holds that humans operate based upon a hierarchical scale, wherein people's behavior is influenced most directly by their attitudes, which are in turn influenced by knowledge and value orientations.
We surveyed respondents in northern Laos comprised of local residents, Western tourists and Chinese tourists. While tourists from other SE Asian nations were also present in the survey area, this study focused primarily on Chinese tourists and Lao residents, due to the popularity of northern Laos as a Chinese tourist destination. It would be valuable for a future study to more broadly survey tourists from other SE Asian nations where bear products are used.
Since our survey samples were limited in geographic range, as well as in effort across all sections of society (especially regarding Chinese tourists), there are some limitations on generalized conclusions. However, these data indicate potentially important similarities and differences in attitudes, perceptions, value orientations and behaviors between nationalities regarding bear product usage, and the importance of such data to inform the design and to monitor outcomes of demand reduction campaigns and education programs, and their value of expanded research in this field.
We focused on potential disparities between Lao and Chinese respondents because of economic and cultural variations between these two societies. Our null hypotheses are that there is no difference in Chinese and Lao respondents' attitudes, value orientations, knowledge, and behavior, and that bear part consumption and bear conservation knowledge does not differ between these two nationalities.
Section snippets
Study site
Surveys were conducted in Luang Prabang Province, a mountainous area of northern Laos characterized by biological and ethnic diversity (Berliner, 2012, Coates et al., 2005). It was chosen as the study site because it is the biggest tourist destination in Laos (Laos Tourism Administration, 2009) with the largest numbers of Western, Chinese, and other Asian nation visitors.
Surveys were conducted in Luang Prabang Town, its surrounding villages, and at Tat Kuang Si Park (TKS), a Provincial
Results
The total number of surveys completed was 887 from Lao residents and 401 surveys from the Chinese tourists (hereafter Chinese). Of these surveys, at least 143 Lao (16%), and 57 Chinese (14%) were completed within TKS. Of the Chinese respondents, 166 were female, and 235 were male. For Lao respondents 429 were female, and 456 were male. The mean age of Chinese respondents was 35 (range 18–77), and 30 for Lao respondents (range 18–77). The most common level of education completed was a Bachelor
Discussion
The main goal of this study was to gather preliminary data, test methods, and gain insight into which groups of people were buying bear parts, and why these groups were doing so. More broadly, we wanted to understand Lao and Chinese value orientations, attitudes, and level of knowledge, as this information could inform more tailored educational programs that would resonate better in the respective regions. By analyzing value orientations and attitudes, we can begin to understand why a behavior
Conclusions
The fundamental dissimilarity in value orientations between the nationalities sampled indicates that campaigns directed at raising awareness of the cruelty suffered by bears may resonate more in China, than in Laos. Lao responses showed less knowledge than Chinese tourists, indicating that a campaign in Laos could work to heighten knowledge, especially around bear population declines in Laos. Increasing knowledge and emotional connections would aim to increase altruistic value orientations in
Acknowledgements
Profound gratitude to the Luang Prabang Department of Information, Culture and Tourism, Tat Kuang Si Protected Area, Souphanouvong University students and faculty, and the Lao Women's Union of Luang Prabang. We thank Mr. Lar, Mr. Lee, and Mr. Xay for their assistance and Dr.'s. M. Gibson and N. Rust for their comments. Finally, we would like to thank all the anonymous survey participants, and the peer-reviewers of the manuscript.
Funding: Perth Zoo Wildlife Conservation Action, San Diego Zoo
Glossary
- Value Orientations are basic beliefs that inform a respondents' worldview. For instance, a respondent may be classified as sitting upon a continuum ranging from “domination” (belief in using nature for human needs) to “mutualism” (belief in inherent value of nature, separate from its worth for human use) (Vaske and Donnelly, 1999).
- Attitude is defined as being influenced by value orientations, and a “mental state directed at object in question” (Vaske and Donnelly, 1999).
- Behavior follows upon
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