Producing food in English and Welsh prisons
Introduction
While food plays a critical role in the physical and mental wellbeing of people in prison, impacting on many aspects of prison life such as culture, relationships and the construction of positive identities, it is often overlooked as a key feature of incarceration (WHO, 2015). Furthermore, within research and narratives of prison food about nutritional or dietary requirements, food habits or the meaning of food (e.g. Smoyer & Lopes, 2017), to-date there has been an emphasis on the consumption rather than production of prison food which this paper seeks to address.
Between 1990 and 2019, the UK prison population almost doubled, it now stands at just over 82,500 (Ministry of Justice, 2019), representing the highest incarceration rate amongst western European jurisdictions (Sturge, 2018). Within the prison populations the most socio-economically disadvantaged communities, where levels of social exclusion are most marked, are significantly over represented (Ismail & de Viggiani, 2018). Research revealing the strong association between offending behaviour and poor health, low levels of educational attainment and wider deprivation suggests a ‘vicious cycle’ with most prisoners coming from and returning to the poorest or most socially excluded sections of society (Bradshaw, Kemp, Baldwin, & Rowe, 2004). Prisons therefore represent a key organisational setting for health promotion activities (Whitelaw et al., 2001), and not least for initiatives that seek to improve nutrition (Gray et al., 2018).
The prison service in England and Wales currently spends approximately £15m annually on prison food, of which the government requires 25% to be grown in the UK. For a budget of approximately £2 per prisoner per day, catering managers are required to source ingredients for three meals that can be described as “wholesome, nutritious, well prepared and served, reasonably varied and sufficient in quantity” (National Offender Management Service (NOMS), 2010). With a focus on gardening and farming, this paper explores how penological, therapeutic and food priorities have shaped prison food production in England and Wales since 1970 using a combination of primary and secondary data including case studies, qualitative interviews and historical accounts.
Prison food production is a complex topic not least because terms (e.g. agriculture, farming, growing, horticulture and gardening) can have multiple, often loosely defined or interchangeable meaning and associated practices. For the sake of brevity and clarity, we have chosen three activities associated with prison food production: gardening, horticulture and farming, and to differentiate between them on the basis of scale, spatiality and scope. Gardening is a relatively small-scale activity (e.g. raised beds) that can be accommodated within the built environment including high security, or limited space prisons. Garden produce typically supplements the diet of the gardeners. Horticulture is a medium-scale, usually commercial activity that can be accommodated within the boundaries of lower-grade prisons subject to sufficient space to erect ‘liminal’ structures (e.g. greenhouses or polytunnels) proximal to the prison. These liminal structures extend the timescale over which seasonal produce (e.g. salad crops) can be grown as they offer a degree of protection (e.g. from bad weather) for plants and those who tend them. Farming typically involves commercial, large-scale crop growing and animal husbandry which enables it to meet the demand for fresh produce from multiple prisons. However, as the history of prison farming shows, commercial imperatives, although important, have neither been the sole nor the principal reason for large-scale, in-house food production (Wright, 2017).
Section snippets
Connecting nature and health
The consistent message from a diverse body of research is that contact with the natural environment improves psychological health and mental well-being (e.g. Barton, , Bragg, , Wood, , & Pretty, 2016; Maller, Townsend, Pryor, Brown, & St. Leger, 2006; Ward Thompson et al., 2012). Amongst disparate ways of connecting with nature, gardening and ‘care farming’ are heralded as a means to promote health, well-being and flourishing across the life-course for a wide range of disadvantaged and
Prison setting
Underpinned by a number of principles (e.g. equity, participation, empowerment, partnership and sustainability), the settings approach reflects an ecological model that takes account of the dynamic, complex interactions between personal, organisational and wider environmental factors that influence health (Dooris, 2009). Applying this framework to the justice context, it is clear that a health-promoting prison must be safe and secure, and underpinned by principles of human rights, respect and
History of prison food production
In England and Wales, prison farms have been producing food for consumption by prisoners and staff since 1852, when farming was introduced to HMP Dartmoor to provide a healthy and hard day's work in the open air (Lander, 1992). Considered an important means of providing ‘useful and rewarding work for inmates’, farms became an integral feature of the Borstal system (youth detention centres) as they became established in the early 1900s. Between 1939 and 1945 the ‘Dig for Victory’ campaign led to
Growing food in prisons in England and Wales: the case of Greener on the Outside for Prisons (GOOP)
Despite nationwide privatisation of prison food production, a surprising quantity of farms and horticultural facilities as well as knowledgeable staff remain in the prison service. In 2008, shortly after centralised prison agriculture and horticulture in England and Wales ended, Greener on the Outside for Prisons (GOOP), a programme of therapeutic gardening, was established in the North-West of England. Working in partnership with individual prisons, GOOP sought to either extend the reach of
The future of producing food in prisons in England and Wales
Currently, over half of the state prisons in England and Wales (70 of 118) have some form of horticultural activity taking place, and 44 public sector prisons are engaged in commercial horticultural (Coveney, 2019). Procurement strategies are being revised and in regions like the north-west, establishments are re-introducing gardening as a means of supplying their own and nearby prison kitchens with produce, whilst offering meaningful employment and training suitable for a wide range of
Discussion
Globally, prisoners tend to come from marginalised and socially disadvantaged sections of society and exhibit a high incidence of ill health, linked to social exclusion and multiple complex needs (Baybutt et al., 2018). Therefore, as a setting, prisons offer a unique opportunity to invest in the health of disadvantaged and marginalised populations and address health inequalities and social exclusion (Woodall, 2016).
Growing fresh, seasonal produce for use in prison kitchens is a purposeful and
Acknowledgement
Greener on the Outside for Prisons research conducted by Dr. Baybutt was funded by the Big Lottery Fund. The funding body specified that data should be gathered on specific outcome indicators, but also allowed the research team to search for additional outcomes from the programme. We would like to thank all those who have supported and facilitated Greener on the Outside for Prisons programme and participated in the research.We would also like to thank all those who contributed to Outside Time.
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2020, NJAS - Wageningen Journal of Life SciencesCitation Excerpt :There is a growing body of evidence relating to the potential health benefits that can emerge from participation within a care-farming program, ranging from client specific outcomes such as reduced depressive symptoms (Pedersen et al., 2012), impacts on recidivism (Pretty et al., 2013), and changing levels of independence (Kaley et al., 2018), to more general impacts on health and well-being, such as increasing social interaction (Iancu et al., 2014), improving confidence, and decreasing stress (Leck et al., 2015). Alongside these specific symptomatic approaches and outcomes, care-farms have also been linked to enabling a level of ‘flourishing across the life-course’ (Devine-Wright et al., 2019, p. 2). Murray et al. (2019, p. 7) discuss how participation in a care-farming scheme ‘appears to aid personal growth through meaningful, motivating, stimulating and calming interactions’, that can be ‘the precursors to changing behaviours’.
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