The importance of trust and community in developing and maintaining a community electronic network
Introduction
In the realm of computer technology, the collective goal of many communities is to remain competitive and afloat during the rapid influx and expansion of technology. Due to the digital divide1 and threats of falling too far behind their urban counterparts, rural areas, in particular, must formulate solutions to technological pressures. In our study, social capital helps to explain why two rural communities, faced with similar technological challenges, chose to address them in markedly different ways. We evaluate one community in Grand Rapids, Minnesota that succeeds in creating and sustaining a community electronic network and another in Detroit Lakes, Minnesota that is unsuccessful at cultivating such a project. We find that social capital, or a healthy stock of community trust and cohesion, seems to have been important in instigating and sustaining Grand Rapids’ community electronic network. At the same time, a lack of trust and cooperation in Detroit Lakes helps to explain its more individualistic, entrepreneurial electronic network.
Section snippets
Introducing social capital
Social capital is defined as the norms and social relations embedded in the social structure of societies that enable people to coordinate action to achieve desired goals (World Bank, 2000). It is described as a feature that communities possess to varying degrees, with the key elements being social trust and civic engagement (Coleman (1988), Coleman (1990); Putnam (1993), Putnam (2000)). Putnam (2000) explains, “Whereas physical capital refers to physical objects and human capital refers to
Social capital and community electronic networks
Community electronic networks are intended to provide greater access to both the Internet and electronic communication tools that can be utilized on a much broader basis than traditional types of communication. Consequently, the question of whether electronic media help or hinder the development of social capital and civic communities has drawn much recent attention. Some scholars believe that community electronic networks may fulfill a number of civic goals including community cohesion,
Rural approaches to technology diffusion
Both Grand Rapids and Detroit Lakes are rural cities in Minnesota, with populations of 7000–9000 people. Like many rural areas in the United States, these two cities have been lagging behind their urban counterparts in terms of technological development and Internet access. According to the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) (2000) report, the urban–rural divide has become less severe over the last several years; however, at the time the projects in Grand Rapids
Community electronic networks in grand rapids and elsewhere
GrandNet is just one of several community networks across the country; more well-known networks include Santa Monica's Public Electronic Network (PEN) in California and BEV in Virginia. The goals of such technological ventures have included enhanced community cohesion, access to education and training, political participation, combating the digital divide and providing Internet access for all (Schuler, 1994; Anderson et al., 1995; Cohill and Kavanaugh, 2000). Local leaders in Santa Monica
Electronic networks develop in two towns
In these two rural communities, the push for creating electronic networks came from the elite strata.3 Local
Comparing community cultures
Grand Rapids and Detroit Lakes have divergent political cultures, which help to explain their divergent approaches in addressing the issue of information technology. Citizens in Grand Rapids are more prone to collaboration, seem more concerned about improving communication, and are more concerned about equality in their community. As we will show below, in Detroit Lakes citizens appear to be more individualistic and business-minded.4
Previous findings from survey data
Results from a mass survey administered to a random sample of citizens in both communities shed light on cross-community similarities and differences (Sullivan et al (2002a), Sullivan et al (FORTHCOMING)). In Grand Rapids, where a community electronic network exists, individual economic and political variables help to explain peoples’ technology use. In Detroit Lakes, without a similar community project, economic variables alone predict technology use. In other words, people who are politically
Previous findings from focus group content analyses
In addition to the surveys that we carried out in the two communities, we also conducted focus groups in both cities in December of 2000. We then conducted content analyses of the group discussions, in order to quantify and compare the extent to which participants in each city answered our questions with a general sense of community concern versus more individualistic considerations.
Focus group statements
In addition to the systematic content analysis we conducted, the statements made by focus group participants also help us to understand community differences. In our previous work, we report focus group statements that are indicative of the communities’ cultural differences (Borgida et al., 2002). Here we share new, additional data from the focus groups that illustrate the way in which these two towns diverge in terms of levels of interpersonal trust and community-mindedness. The focus group
Elite interviews
In this paper, the term “elite” refers to people in community leadership positions, particularly those who have influenced and continue to affect projects and policies dealing with information technology. In Grand Rapids, when dealing with technological demands, the elites pursued a community-oriented, cooperative network, much in line with the character and ideals of those who live in the city. At the same time, the leaders of Detroit Lakes sought a more market-based solution to Internet
Summary and conclusions
This paper examines the implementation of electronic networks in two rural Minnesota towns. The aim of the networks has been to help the communities keep up with global technological progress by increasing access to the Internet. After years of planning and preparing, community leaders in Grand Rapids, Minnesota implemented GrandNet in 1997. This community electronic network made Internet-linked computers available to students in the public schools and citizens in the public library, and it
Acknowledgments
This research was supported in part by grants from the Center for Urban and Regional Affairs at the University of Minnesota, NSF Grant #SBR9619147, and funding from the University of Minnesota's College of Liberal Arts to Eugene Borgida and John L. Sullivan. Melinda Jackson has been supported in part by a NSF graduate fellowship.
We extend our thanks to Frank Allen, Ben Hawkins, Sandy Layman, Milda Hedblom, and the communities of Grand Rapids and Detroit Lakes, Minnesota, for their cooperation.
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