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Post-disaster fertility: Hurricane Katrina and the changing racial composition of New Orleans

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Abstract

Large-scale climate events can have enduring effects on population size and composition. Natural disasters affect population fertility through multiple mechanisms, including displacement, demand for children, and reproductive care access. Fertility effects, in turn, influence the size and composition of new birth cohorts, extending the reach of climate events across generations. We study these processes in New Orleans during the decade spanning Hurricane Katrina. We combine census data, ACS data, and vital statistics data to describe fertility in New Orleans and seven comparison cities. Following Katrina, displacement contributed to a 30% decline in birth cohort size. Black fertility fell, and remained 4% below expected values through 2010. By contrast, white fertility increased by 5%. The largest share of births now occurs to white women. These fertility differences—beyond migration-driven population change—generate additional pressure on the renewal of New Orleans as a city in which the black population is substantially smaller in the disaster’s wake.

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Notes

  1. It is important to note that the Census Bureau’s intercensal population estimates for Orleans Parish during 2006 are slightly higher than rapid population estimates generated by both the City of New Orleans Emergency Operations Center and the Rand Corporation (VanLandingham 2007). This might also be the case for other parishes that compose the New Orleans MSA, although no competing population estimates exist to the authors’ knowledge. The revised intercensal population estimates for Orleans Parish in July 2006 were 230,172 (US Census Bureau 2013), while the City of New Orleans Emergency Operations Center estimates were 181,400 at the end of January 2006 (Stone et al. 2007; Emergency Operations Center City of New Orleans 2006) and the Rand Corporation estimates were 198,019 in September 2006 (McCarthy et al. 2006). Our usage of the Census Bureau’s intercensal population estimates for 2006 likely overestimates the population size of the New Orleans MSA for this year, which, consequently, probably decreases our total fertility rate estimates. However, the intercensal estimates are the only source of population estimates that enumerate the post-Katrina population across five-year age groups stratified by sex and racial/ethnic identification – a prerequisite for calculating race-specific total fertility rates.

  2. MSA coding describes coterminous counties that have an urbanized core population of 50,000+ and share economic, social, and cultural ties. We use 2013 OMB codes for the full period of study.

  3. The TFR also has a synthetic cohort interpretation: the average number of births per woman that would be observed if a cohort of women survived to age 49 and experienced the period age-specific fertility rates in each age interval between 15 and 49. Our focus is on period fertility, period birth cohort size, and how both are changed by the disruption of Katrina. It is less heuristically useful to conceptualize period TFR values as being relevant to particular cohorts of women in New Orleans. The short-run population implications for New Orleans are related to, but distinct, from the question of whether women’s completed fertility by age 50 shifts. It may be, for example, that any period changes we observe between 2005 and 2010 are offset in the years following, resulting in unchanged completed fertility for women; the implications for New Orleans birth cohorts between 2005 and 2010 would be unchanged by such a process.

  4. Jacksonville, FL; Oklahoma City, OK; Memphis, TN, Louisville, KY; Raleigh, NC; Richmond, VA; Hartford, CT; Birmingham, AB; Buffalo, NY; Rochester, NY; Salt Lake City, UT; Grand Rapids, MI; Tuscon, AZ.

  5. Savannah, GA; Charleston, SC; Virginia Beach, VA; Tampa, FL, Jacksonville, FL, Myrtle Beach; Wilmington, NC.

  6. The ACS micro-data support an analysis of birth probabilities in the previous year with the possibility of substantial adjustment for features of changing population composition but do so only for the post-disaster period, rendering such an approach of little value for this endeavor.

  7. The most recent release of birth records indicates that this pattern has not reversed in the years since 2010. In 2014, 45% of births in the New Orleans MSA were to white women and 38% of births were to black women (authors’ calculation, Louisiana Department of Health 2017).

  8. (48.7% − 39.8%)/48.7%

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Seltzer, N., Nobles, J. Post-disaster fertility: Hurricane Katrina and the changing racial composition of New Orleans. Popul Environ 38, 465–490 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11111-017-0273-3

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