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The Impact of Income Inequality on Subjective Well-Being: The Case of China

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Abstract

The growing literature on happiness economics suggests that, together with absolute income, individual well-being is affected by relative income both horizontally (i.e. because of differences between an individual’s income and that of others to whom she compares) and vertically (i.e. compared to changes in individuals’ own income). Moreover, the way in which individuals value their relative situation and the distribution of income will determine how inequality affects individual well-being. This paper aims to examine the relationship between these variables in the case of China, focusing mainly on how income inequality affects subjective well-being. Using data from the CGSS, the results suggest that both absolute and relative income affect subject well-being, and that an inverted-U shaped relationship between income inequality and individual well-being appears at least for urban residents, whereas this relationship tend to be negative in the case of people living in rural areas.

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Notes

  1. National Bureau of Statistics of China (NBS): https://data.stats.gov.cn/english/easyquery.htm?cn=C01.

  2. The World Happiness Report is an annual publication of the United Nations containing rankings of national happiness based on individuals’ ratings of their own lives. https://worldhappiness.report/ed/2019/.

  3. The World Inequality Report 2018 shows that income inequality has notably increased in China since 1980, with its transition from communism to a capitalist economy. Furthermore, despite the general downward trend observed in the last decade, China's Gini coefficient remains higher than 0.4, which is considered to be the emergency threshold. https://wir2018.wid.world/.

  4. The literature on well-being bases on individuals’ self-reported data about life satisfaction, happiness or subjective well-being. Although these terms are often used indistinctly (Ferrer-i-Carbonell, 2005; Deaton, 2008), there are significant differences among these constructs, some of them connoting emotion or mood whereas other refer to a broad evaluation of life. For a comparison of different measures of subjective well-being used in China, see Hsu et al. (2017).

  5. Other explanations that are commonly suggested in the literature refer to externalities that may go with higher levels of income, such as a worsening of social capital which could have a negative impact on individuals’ well-being (for the case of China, see for example Bartolini and Sarracino 2015).

  6. The economic analysis of interdependent preferences or relative income is already found in Duesenberry (1949), or more recently in Pollak (1976) or Frank (1985).

  7. This interpretation is in line with the Set-Point theory in the psychological literature, which suggests that individuals tend to relatively stable levels of happiness (‘hedonic treadmill’). See Diener et al. (2009) for a critical review of the psychological literature on adaptation and reference levels.

  8. Ordered probit regressions have also been run and the results are similar to those obtained with OLS regressions both in the sign and significance of the coefficients, which is in line with the conclusions of Ferrer‐i-Carbonell and Frijters (2004). These estimates are not presented in the paper due to space limitations but are available upon request.

  9. Chinese General Social Survey: https://cgss.ruc.edu.cn/index.php?r=index/index&hl=en.

  10. Since 2003, the CGSS has used three different sampling designs and three sets of sampling frames: 2003–2006, 2008 and 2010–present. See details in: https://cgss.ruc.edu.cn/index.php?r=index/sample.

  11. Much of the studies on subjective well-being at the international level use data from the World Values Survey (WVS), which comes from interviews with almost 400,000 respondents from different countries. However, the last available data (WVS, round 2010–2014) only contains 2300 individuals from China, resulting in a relatively small sample. World Values Survey: https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/wvs.jsp.

  12. The use of a 5-point Likert scale for the life satisfaction variable is common in the happiness literature, as is the case of works based on the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS). Other surveys, such as the World Values Survey, use a 10-points scale (from 1 to 10) or a 11-point scale (from 0 to 10), such as the Gallup poll data used in the World Happiness reports. For a comparison of data on different representative samples implemented in China see Li and Raine (2014).

  13. When analyzing the responses about subjective well-being for different subsamples, no statistically significant differences were found between men and women. However, the T-test results indicate that there are statistically significant differences between urban and rural residents, being the average subjective well-being of urban residents significantly higher than that of the rural ones.

  14. Besides the annual household income, the CGSS also provides the resident population of the household, so the per capita income of the household can be directly obtained.

  15. Gini coefficients can also be calculated at the provincial or county level, but the coverage is too large at the provincial level, so resulting in less Gini indices, whereas it is too narrow and contains insufficient size samples at the county level.

  16. Hukou is a household registration system in China that was formally created in 1958. According to this registration system, all Chinese citizens hold either an agricultural or non-agricultural Hukou in a particular location (rural or urban), and residents with different type of Hukou have different access to government-provided social programs, such as pensions, education, and health care, with greater benefits associated to non-agricultural Hukou. Since the 1990s, the Hukou system has known significant reforms and has evolved towards a weakening of the rural–urban division, although the distance between the area of residence and the type of Hukou is still significant. Also, restrictions on internal migration within China have been gradually removed, but most rural migrant workers still maintain their agricultural Hukou status (these people with an agricultural Hukou but living in urban areas are usually known as 'migrant workers '). For a detailed description of the Hukou system and its impact on the China’s economy, see Song (2014).

  17. See Dolan et al. (2008) for a comprehensive review on the determinants of wellbeing. In the case of China, see Appleton and Song (2008), Han (2015), or Asadullah et al. (2018).

  18. Due to space limitations, only those estimates for which the interactions variables show a significant effect on well-being are presented. Complete estimates are available upon request.

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Correspondence to Maria del Mar Salinas-Jiménez.

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Ding, J., Salinas-Jiménez, J. & Salinas-Jiménez, M.d. The Impact of Income Inequality on Subjective Well-Being: The Case of China. J Happiness Stud 22, 845–866 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10902-020-00254-4

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