Abstract
The Bonito Phase (ca. AD 850 to 1140) in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, is widely assumed by archeologists to reflect the growth and decline of a coherent sociopolitical entity, one of the classic examples of emergent social complexity among ancient indigenous North American populations ending in a societal collapse. This understanding of Chaco is based, in part, on the interpretation of temporal changes in material culture as intentional efforts to maintain cultural identity and continuity in the face of social disruption. In this study, I suggest that the Bonito Phase actually encompassed at least one major episode of cultural discontinuity, calling into question the perception of a distinct “Chaco society.” Instead, patterns of material production in Chaco point to multiple cultural identities linked to serial reoccupation of the canyon.
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Notes
A number of widely referenced works on Chaco great house architecture utilize schematic ground plans that simplify site architecture, especially angles and alignments, often creating the impression of rigid adherence to right angles and straight lines where skewed trapezoids actually describe buildings and rooms (e.g., Soafer 2007; Stein et al. 2007). If intentional wall alignments or angles represent cosmological meanings, then those meanings must have involved an avoidance of 90° angles.
It is puzzling that tri-wall structures have been accorded great importance in cosmological reconstructions at great houses north of Chaco but essentially none in the canyon. Tri-walls are extremely distinctive, post-date AD 1100 and are clearly associated with architecturally dense settlements (see Vivian 1990).
Even the famous “Great North Road” extending from Pueblo Alto is not exactly cardinal and has some interesting wriggles. Dating is unclear but likely to be in the AD 1100s. The northern terminus occurs near Angel Peak Ruin, a small McElmo-style structure. Since most specialists assume that much of the “road system” post-dates the peak of occupation in Chaco, any cosmological role for the roads came after this apex. This is the basis of the so-called time portal hypothesis in which some younger roads were connected to older great houses as a way of establishing a physical connection, or memory, to the past.
These tree-ring data are drawn from a large database assembled by Thomas C. Windes over the course of several decades of herculean altruism (Windes and Ford 1996; Windes 2003). These data are available currently at the Chaco Digital Initiative website (www.chacoarchive.org) but Windes considers the database incomplete and not yet fully edited. Users are urged to treat these data and the subset used in this study as subject to potential change in the future.
Wijiji is Classic-style but conventionally assigned a 1110 AD construction date based on a single unprovenienced tree-ring date. Thus, there is no reliable chronometric basis for assigning Wijiji to any specific time frame.
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Acknowledgments
I am very grateful to the journal editors for their support and encouragement and to the manuscript reviewers for insightful and constructive criticism. Thanks also to Jeff Clark, Patty Crown, Steve Durand, Sarah Herr, and Rich Wilshusen for reading and commenting on the paper as it progressed through stages. Tom Windes and Gwinn Vivian have been extremely influential in my thinking about the “McElmo Problem” and I hope I have not done too much damage to their original work. Much of the stimulus for addressing the migration issue at Chaco comes from Patty Crown and I would not have completed this without her low tolerance for waffling.
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Wills, W.H. Cultural Identity and the Archaeological Construction of Historical Narratives: An Example from Chaco Canyon. J Archaeol Method Theory 16, 283–319 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10816-009-9064-1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10816-009-9064-1