Skip to main content

Recognition and Civic Selection

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
  • 544 Accesses

Part of the book series: Studies in Global Justice ((JUST,volume 21))

Abstract

Large-scale immigration and the refugee crisis have caused many states to adapt ever stricter civic selection processes. This paper discusses the challenges arising from civic selection from the perspective of recognition theories. The argument is that recognition theories provide good conceptual tools with which to critically analyze civic selection and immigration. However, the paper also aims to highlight that many current institutional practices are problematic from the perspective of recognition. In the context of civic selection, it is helpful to understand recognition as something that comes in two analytically distinct modes: horizontal (or interpersonal) and vertical (or institutional). Many rights depend on institutionally given statuses (skilled worker, refugee, permanent resident, etc.). For a person to have a relevant social standing, she needs to be recognized by a relevant governmental institution. However, in vertical relationships, immigrants are faced with a lack of reciprocity. They need to one-sidedly recognize the institutions, which, in turn, have full power to withhold recognition. Migrants also face challenges in the interpersonal horizontal spheres of recognition. Institutional status being granted does not guarantee interpersonal solidarity or care. As recognition is tied to a particular institutional setting and a particular lifeworld, large-scale immigration sets two challenges. The first is the challenge of multiculturalism and recognition of diverging cultural practices of esteem. The second is the challenge of integration and obtaining recognition from the pre-existing cultural context. It is argued here that from the perspective of esteem-recognition, this is very much a question of working rights and providing opportunities for contributing in the new context. From the perspective of care-recognition, in turn, rights to healthcare and family unifications are central. Thus, achieving meaningful personal relationships is not guaranteed by giving rights, but it is nevertheless dependent on institutional recognition.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution.

Buying options

Chapter
USD   29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD   119.00
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD   159.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD   159.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Learn about institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    For Hegel recognition goes even deeper, as it is constitutive of self-consciousness and freedom (see master-slave dialectics in Phenomenology of Spirit, Hegel 1999).

  2. 2.

    These positions are extensively argued for in the recognition literature, most notably in Honneth’s work (1995, 2014, 2017) and in the works that further develop Honneth’s contributions (e.g., McBride 2013; Ikäheimo 2014). Here these positions are thus taken mostly as given.

  3. 3.

    What is offered here is merely an overview of the Honnethian forms of recognition. The importance of these forms of recognition for modern humans is taken as granted. I also leave open the exact definition of “full personhood.” In my view the concept of personhood is both political and historical in the sense that its exact contents and limits are constantly under debate. For example, it is not clear if there is any strict metaphysical standard for what rights or what opportunities (or freedoms) a person ought to have.

  4. 4.

    It is of course contestable whether markets really function according to merit and achievements. However, even if the achievement principle is not an accurate empirical description, people still tend to understand the markets as if they should normatively be based on merit (Miller 1992).

  5. 5.

    It is debatable if this horizontal-vertical distinction should be taken literally or as a metaphor for role-fulfillment. It could be claimed that vertical recognition toward institutions does not make sense as recognition is supposed to refer to interpersonal relationships – relationships between persons – and institutions are not persons. However, vertical recognition can also be taken to mean strongly role-bound and rule-mediated recognition. In this sense, vertical recognition denotes those cases where someone is filling a role or acting from the perspective of institutional reasoning. Horizontal recognition, in this interpretation, would be more “spontaneous” and not strictly tied to any institutional roles.

  6. 6.

    These normative expectations are not something that states necessarily commit to, but they seem to be the cornerstones of Western tourism and non-settling movement between different nations.

  7. 7.

    This intuition comes up easily in the case of, for example, sports teams. It seems reasonable that my local ice hockey team does not have to accept me as a member – especially if the purpose of the team is to play at a competitive level. However, it is less clear how this applies to more encompassing groups and institutions like a nation-state. One line of thinking is that limiting membership is acceptable if it does not restrict opportunities too strongly and if there are alternative options. I can play ice hockey in a different team (on a lower level of competition) or I can play football with my friends instead. With a state it is not as evident if there are as clear second options.

  8. 8.

    For example, in Finland it was possible to tighten the screening of refugees from certain areas like Iraq and Syria through an administrative decision of interpretation of local rules, although the broader international commitments remained the same.

  9. 9.

    Although protectionism might be seen as recognition for the current citizens, here esteem has already shifted from achievement to belonging. As far as we think that the principle of desert or the principle of achievement is a good principle – or at least better than “inheritance” or “nationalism” – to distribute esteem, then we should be wary of protectionist lines of thinking and try to find solutions to the obviously harmful race to the bottom from other directions.

  10. 10.

    In Honneth’s model love as a recognitive attitude is limited to close interpersonal relationships, and perhaps it is indeed the case that we cannot be expected to feel unconditional sympathy for everyone. However, it is also clear that there are institutional solutions for providing fundamental care.

  11. 11.

    Although here cultures are discussed as if they were unified entities, they should not be understood as too rigid or stationary. As Tariq Modood (2013, 90) points out, cultures are neither fictions nor essences but more akin to family-resembling collections. They consist of changing norms, practices, and recognition claims that require interpretation, affirmation, and acting-out on the part of their individual carriers.

  12. 12.

    Shifting value horizons raises the question: what if the new value horizon is worse? Also, what normative benchmark should we use to judge value horizons? The fact that immigrants might want recognition for their own cultural practices does not in itself guarantee that all these cultural practices would be morally acceptable. Following Honneth’s (1995) ideas, we can state that recognition theories should be open to various ideals of a good life (and thus open to various value horizons). However, recognition does set a normative framework in the sense that moral progress can be identified with expansions of spheres of recognition as well as through eradication of non-recognition and misrecognition. In short, if any cultural practices lead to increased personal and social suffering, there seems to be good reasons to not accept them outright.

  13. 13.

    Here I focus only on esteem and respect as the claims for both of them are explicitly public claims.

  14. 14.

    The collective acceptance model of institutions (as social facts) is part and parcel of contemporary social ontology (see, e.g., Searle 1995 for an early account or Epstein 2015 for an updated version). However, the details of the theories vary greatly.

  15. 15.

    Being treated equally in the civic selection process is not the same as achieving full vertical state recognition. It is equal treatment in the ready-set normative framework and not respect in the full sense of all the affected parties being co-authors of the norms of the institution itself.

References

  • Benhabib, Seyla. 2004. The Rights of Others. Aliens, Residents, and Citizens. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Bloemraad, Irene. 2018. Theorising the Power of Citizenship as Claims-Making. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 44 (1): 4–26.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Burns, Tony, and Simon Thompson. 2013. Introduction. In Global Justice and the Politics of Recognition, ed. Tony Burns and Simon Thompson, 1–22. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Butler, Judith. 2004. Undoing Gender. New York: Routledge.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Dejours, Christoph, Jean-Philippe Deranty, Emmanuelle Renault, and Nicholas H. Smith. 2018. The Return of Work in Critical Theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Deranty, Jean-Philippe. 2009. Beyond Communication. A Critical Study of Axel Honneth’s Social Philosophy. Boston: Brill.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Epstein, Brian. 2015. The Ant Trap: Rebuilding the Foundations of the Social Sciences. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich. 1999 [1807]. Chapter IV: The Truth of Self-certainty. In Hegel’s Phenomenology of Self-consciousness. Text and Commentary, eds. Leo Rauch and David Sherman (translated by Leo Rauch), 13–46. Albany: State University of New York Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Honneth, Axel. 1995. The Struggle for Recognition. Cambridge: The MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • ———. 2003. Redistribution as Recognition: A Response to Nancy Fraser. In Redistribution or Recognition? A Political-Philosophical Exchange, ed. Nancy Fraser and Axel Honneth, 110–197. London: Verso.

    Google Scholar 

  • ———. 2011. Rejoinder. In Social and Critical Theory. Vol. 12. Axel Honneth: Critical Essays. With a Reply by Axel Honneth, ed. Danielle Petherbridge, 391–421. Leiden/Boston: Brill.

    Google Scholar 

  • ———. 2014. Freedom’s Right. Cambridge: Polity Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • ———. 2017. The Idea of Socialism. Cambridge: Polity Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hosein, Adam. 2013. Immigration and Freedom of Movement. Ethics & Global Politics 6 (1): 25–37.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Ikäheimo, Heikki. 2007. Recognizing Persons. Journal of Consciousness Studies 14 (5–6): 224–247.

    Google Scholar 

  • ———. 2013. Hegel’s Concept of Recognition – What is it? In Recognition – German Idealism as an Ongoing Challenge, ed. Christian Krijnen, 11–38. Leiden: Brill.

    Google Scholar 

  • ———. 2014. Anerkennung. Berlin: DeGruyter.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • ———. 2019. Personhood and Recognition. In Handbuch Anerkennung. Springer Reference Geisteswissenschaften, ed. Ludwig Siep, Hekki Ikäheimo, and Michel Quante. Wiesbaden: Springer VS.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jütten, Timo. 2017. Dignity, Esteem, and Social Contribution: A Recognition-Theoretical View. The Journal of Political Philosophy 25 (3): 259–280.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Laitinen, Arto. 2002. Interpersonal Recognition: A Response to Value or a Precondition of Personhood? Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 45 (4): 463–478.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • ———. 2006. Interpersonal Recognition and Responsiveness to Relevant Differences. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 9 (1): 47–70.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Light, Matthew. 2013. Regulation, Recruitment, and Control of Immigration. In Routledge International Handbook of Migration Studies, ed. Steven J. Gold and Stephanie J. Nawyn, 345–354. Oxon: Routledge.

    Google Scholar 

  • McBride, Cillian. 2013. Recognition. Cambridge: Polity Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • McQueen, Paddy. 2015. Honneth, Butler and the Ambivalent Effects of Recognition. Res Publica 21 (1): 43–60.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Miller, David. 1992. Distributive Justice: What the People Think. Ethics 102 (3): 555–593.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Modood, Tariq. 2013. Multiculturalism. A Civic Idea. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Polity Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Morris, Lydia. 2003. Managing Contradiction: Civic Stratification and Migrants’ Rights. The International Migration Review 37 (1): 74–100.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Pettit, Philip. 2014. Just Freedom. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pinkard, Terry. 2002. German Philosophy 1760–1860. The Legacy of Idealism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Popper, Karl. 2013. The Open Society and Its Enemies, New one-volume edition. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Searle, John. 1995. The Construction of Social Reality. New York: The Free Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Taylor, Charles. 1994. The Politics of Recognition. In Multiculturalism. Examining the Politics of Recognition, ed. Amy Gutmann, 25–74. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Thompson, Simon. 2006. The Political Theory of Recognition. Cambridge: Polity Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • ———. 2013. Recognition Beyond State. In Global Justice and the Politics of Recognition, ed. Tony Burns and Simon Thompson, 88–107. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Wahlbeck, Östen. 2016. True Finns and Non-True Finns: The Minority Rights Discourse of Populist Politics in Finland. Journal of Intercultural Studies 37 (6): 574–588.

    Article  Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Onni Hirvonen .

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2021 The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG

About this chapter

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this chapter

Hirvonen, O. (2021). Recognition and Civic Selection. In: Schweiger, G. (eds) Migration, Recognition and Critical Theory. Studies in Global Justice, vol 21. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-72732-1_9

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics