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Notes

  1. Helmut Berding,Moderner Antisemitismus in Deutschland (Frankfurt a.M., 1988), 90.

  2. Martin Greschat, “Adolf Stoecker und der deutschen Protestantismus,” in Günter Brakelmann, Martin Greschat, and Werner Jochmann (eds.),Protestantismus und Politik: Werk und Wirkung Adolf Stoeckers (Hamburg, 1982), 19–83; idem, “Protestantischer Antisemitismus in Wilhelminischer Zeit. Das Beispiel des Hofpredigers Adolf Stoecker,” in Günter Brakelmann and Martin Rosowski (eds.),Antisemitismus. Von religiöser Judenfeindschaft zur Rassenideologie (Göttingen, 1989), 27–51. Greschat's research has provided me with some useful information, but, as I make clear, I disagree with his conclusions. Greschat, too, sees Stoecker on the whole as a traditional, Christian anti-Semite.

  3. Greschat, “Protestantischer Antisemitismus,” 38. All translations are my own.

  4. As summarized in Peter Pulzer,The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria, rev. ed. (Cambridge, Mass., 1988), xiii–xiv.

  5. Bruce F. Pauley,From Prejudice to Prosecution. A History of Austrian Anti-Semitism (Chapel Hill, 1992), 30.

  6. George Mosse,The Crisis of German Ideology (New York: 1981), 245.

  7. Karl Kupisch,Adolf Stoecker, Hofprediger und Volkstribun (Berlin: 1970), 43–44.

  8. For a detailed history of European racism see Mosse'sCrisis of German Ideology and more specifically hisToward the Final Solution. A History of European Racism (New York, 1978). A useful summary can be found in the essay of Werner Conze and Antje Sommer, “Rasse,” in Otto Brunner, Werner Conze and Reinhart Koselleck (eds.)Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe. Historisches Lexikon zur polische-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland (Stuttgart, 1984), Vol. 5, 135–78.

  9. Conze and Sommer, 175.

  10. Arthur de Gobineau'sEssai sur l'inégalité des races humaines (1853–1855), perhaps the most influential nineteenth-century treatment of race, was thoroughly pessimistic, see Mosse,Towards the Final Solution, 51–55; Mosse,Crisis of German Ideology, 90–91; Conze and Sommer, 161–62.

  11. Stoecker,Reden und Aufsätze, edited by Reinhold Seeberg (Leipzig, 1913), 143–44. Stoecker goes on to say that the Jewish question is not solely a racial question and to warn against the dangers of treating it as solely a racial question. Still, this quotation demonstrates clearly that there is a racial component to Stoecker's own anti-Semitism.

  12. Ibid., 144–45.

  13. Werner Jochmann, “Einleitung,” in Brakelmann, et al, 7–17, espec. 7–9.

  14. Kupisch, 8.

  15. Stoecker,Reden und Aufsätze, 97.

  16. Stoecker,Reden im Reichstag. “Aemtlicher Wortlaut,” edited by Reinhard Mumm (Schwerin, 1914), 166.

  17. Both quotations are provided in Greschat, “Protestantischer Antisemitismus,” 38.

  18. Ibid., 39–41.

  19. Ibid., 41–44.

  20. Ibid., 39.

  21. Jochmann, “Einleitung,” 7–8.

  22. Martin Greschat, “Adolf Stoecker und der deutschen Protestantismus,” 20.

  23. Ibid., 21.

  24. Pulzer, 88–89.

  25. Ibid., 88. I do not know what makes it so clear to Pulzer that Stoecker did not have this intention. His only evidence comes from a German study of anti-Semitic parties dating from 1927. George Mosse similarly argues that anti-Semitism was introduced into Stoecker's political platform only after a dismal result in elections in 1878. Mosse,Toward the Final Solution, 146–47.

  26. Adolf Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1890), 127. Berding and Pulzer both claim that Stoecker first delivered anti-Semitic speeches in 1879; see Berding, 90; Pulzer, 88.

  27. Hans Engelmann,Kirche am Abgrund. Adolf Stoecker und seine antijüdische Bewegung (Berlin, 1984), 71–77.

  28. Werner Jochmann, “Stoecker als nationalkonservativer Politiker und antisemitischer Agitator,” in Brakelmann et al., 123–98, spec. 158.

  29. Berding, 94–95.

  30. This is the conclusion of Jacob Katz,From Prejudice to Destruction. Anti-Semitism, 1700–1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1980), 262.

  31. Berding, 88.

  32. Party Program is reproduced in Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 20–21; See also Kupisch, 34–35.

  33. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 20.

  34. This last issue was something of an idée fixe for Stoecker, seeReden im Reichstag. Stoecker often implied that Germans were forced to work on Sundays because of Jewish influence on German life. In his Reichstag speech of February 9, 1899, for example, Stoecker argued that German workers had to work on Sunday so as not to disturb the Jewish Sabbath by working on Saturday;Reden im Reichstag, 193. Stoecker explained his party's position on women working in factories in a speech he delivered in the Reichstag on January 10, 1882.Reden im Reichstag, 24.

  35. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 21

  36. Kupisch, 30–31.

  37. Pulzer, 87.

  38. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 6–12.

  39. Ibid., 8–9.

  40. Ibid., 39–48.

  41. Ibid., 40.

  42. Meinolf Rohleder and Burkhard Treude, “Neue Preussische (Kreuz) Zeitung,” in Heinz-Dietrich Fischer (ed.),Deutsche Zeitungen des 17. bis 20. Jahrhunderts (Pullbach bei München, 1972), 219–20.

  43. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 44.

  44. Ibid., 44.

  45. Walter Boehlich, “Nachwort,” in Boehlich (ed),Der Berliner Antisemitismusstreit (Frankfurt a.M. 1965), 237–40, espec. 237–38.

  46. Pulzer, 88; Stoecker, “Unsere Forderungen an das moderne Judentum,” in idem,Christlich-sozial, 359–69.

  47. According to Kupisch, the circulation of Stoecker's weekly “Sonntäglichen Predigt” never went below 100,000; Kupisch, 91–92.

  48. Ibid., 54.

  49. Ibid., 93

  50. Ibid., 55.

  51. Ibid., 56.

  52. Ibid., 56.

  53. Carl Witte collected a number of letters pertaining to the case and published them inSchneider Grünberg und Hofprediger Stöcker oder Der gefälschte Brief (Berlin, 1896).

  54. Kupisch, 68.

  55. Ibid., 69–70.

  56. This incident is narrated by Geoff Eley in “AntiSemitism, Agrarian Mobilization, and the Conservative Party: Radicalism and Containment in the Founding of the Agrarian League, 1890–1893,” in Larry Eugene Jones and James N. Retallack (eds.),Between Reform, Reaction and Resistance: Studies in the History of German Conservatism from 1789 to 1945 (Providence and London, 1993), 187–227; espec. 208–12.

  57. Jochmann, “Stoecker as nationalkonservativer Politiker,” 177.

  58. Bismarck's association with Jews is well-known. His closest personal advisors included Jews. Bismarck was not an antiSemite, but he tolerated them because he thought he might be able to make use of anti-Semitic parties in his struggles with the more powerful liberals; Pulzer, 192.

  59. Jochmann, “Stoecker als nationalkonservativer Politiker,” 181–82.

  60. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 359.

  61. Boehlich, 238.

  62. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 359.

  63. Noted by Boehlich, 239.

  64. For an example of this, see “Die Selbstverteidigung des modernen Judentums in dem Geisterkampf der Gegenwart,” in Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 382–89.

  65. Jochmann, “Einleitung,” 16.

  66. Ibid., 12.

  67. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 368.

  68. Ibid., 360.

  69. Berding, 93.

  70. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 360.

  71. Ibid., 362.

  72. As quoted in Greschat, “Protestantischer Antisemitismus,” 29.

  73. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 362.

  74. Greschat, “Protestantischer Antisemitismus,” 34.

  75. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 360.

  76. Ibid., 366.

  77. Ibid., 364.

  78. Stoecker,Reden und Aufsätze, 151.

  79. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 367.

  80. Ibid., 350. Stoecker's use of the termMitbürger is interesting. In contemporary Germany, this term is used to refer to the non-German “guest workers,” people who live and work in Germany but who do not enjoy the rights of citizenship. According to the government of theKaiserreich Jews wereBürger; according to Stoecker they were onlyMitbürger. This is especially significant since commentators have taken at face value Stoecker's assertions that Jewish emancipation could not be reversed.

  81. Jochmann, “Stoecker als nationalkonservativer Politiker,” 152.

  82. Stoecker,Christlich-sozial, 381.

  83. Ibid., 432, quoted in Berding, 94.

  84. Jochmann claims that Stoecker delivered more public lectures than anyone in Germany between 1878 and 1906; fc., Jochmann, “Stoecker als nationalkonservativer Politiker,” 193. I do not know the basis for this claim and cannot imagine that there are reliable statistics on such a phenomenon, though, indeed, Stoecker made a great number of speeches many of which he published in journals with large circulations.

  85. Kupisch, 56.

  86. Jochmann, “Stoecker als nationalkonservativer Politiker,” 160.

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Telman, D.A.J. Adolf Stoecker: Anti-Semite with a Christian mission. Jew History 9, 93–112 (1995). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01668991

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