Elsevier

Brain and Language

Volume 56, Issue 3, 15 February 1997, Pages 397-425
Brain and Language

Regular Article
Tense and Agreement in Agrammatic Production: Pruning the Syntactic Tree,☆☆

https://doi.org/10.1006/brln.1997.1795Get rights and content

Abstract

This paper discusses the description of agrammatic production focusing on the verbal inflectional morphology. Agrammatism in Hebrew is investigated through an experiment with a patient who displays a highly selective impairment: agreement inflection is completely intact, but tense inflection, use of copula, and embedded structures are severely impaired. A retrospective examination of the literature shows that our findings are corroborated by others. A selective account of the agrammatic production deficiency is proposed, according to which only a subclass of the functional syntactic categories is impaired in this syndrome. The consequence of this deficit is the pruning of the syntactic phrase marker of agrammatic patients, which impairs performance from the impaired node and higher. These findings also bear upon central issues in linguistic theories, particularly that of Pollock (1989), regarding split inflection.

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      Many of the most influential theories of agrammatism are representational in the sense that they assume that the central deficit pertains to syntactic representation. This is the case, for instance, with Grodzinsky's Trace Deletion Hypothesis (e.g., Drai & Grodzinsky, 2006), Hickok and Avrutin's Differential Chain Deficit Hypothesis (e.g., Hickok & Avrutin, 1996), Mauner, Fromkin and Cornell's (1993) Double Dependency Hypothesis, and Friedmann and Grodzinsky's (1997) Tree Pruning Hypothesis. In contrast, neither of our two hypotheses assumes a representation deficit.

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      In this part, we will discuss these theories to see which one is more applicable to the results of reviewed studies. The TPH theory (Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997) limits the tense deficit to output modality and predicts the non-equal impairment of verb inflection production and the higher vulnerability of higher-level nodes on the syntactic tree (e.g. complementizer) compared to the impairment of the lower nodes (e.g. tense, agreement). Further, based on Pollock’s (1989) theory of split inflection phrase (IP), TPH proposes that the tense node is higher and more vulnerable than the agreement.

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    We thank Jennifer Balogh, Roelien Bastiaanse, Uri Hadar, Maria Mercedes Piñango, Esterella de Roo, and Edgar Zurif for their insightful comments on this paper. Address correspondence and reprint requests to Na'ama Friedmann, Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv 69978, Israel. E-mail:[email protected].

    ☆☆

    M.-L. Kean

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